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As choosing the option that said we would like a twostate solution so we can go on building our own oil or neighbors build their own. Its actually worse numbers that have appeared in similar polls in other years. Sometimes its been more 50 50 that even 50 50 isnt enough. There has to be a consensus on the palestinian side. It doesnt have to be 100 . There has to be a consensus that they will go for permanent peace. Permanent peace also means policing. If there is a palestinian state than you can allow it to be a base for attacks on neighboring states. Rather than look for blame in some day today in every action on the diplomatic front or on the settlement building front or on the military front that the essential question is who wants peace and he wants fighting . On that question, its pretty clear that the blame is today as it has been since the conflict began on one side. Thank you and with that can i ask members of the audience to join me in thanking joshua muravchik. [applause] he ....
I tell the story in this journey over the past decade and a half or so but coming almost right up to the present. I think i didnt want to do a quickie book in 2011. I went to being a historian and having perspective and thought well of in my profession. And so even to write something after three years is oaudacious. The first generation was elected into office in 20112012 and a raft of books said this is the islamic winter. Not the arab springs. Lets talk about the people who made the changes. Lets talk about this generation. What are they like and who are they and what have they done. Let me read a little from the book about an internet activist of the early 00s. He setup an internet Discussion Group and magazine which was very lively and was very much disliked by the dictatorship. And he ran this for some years and then his Internet Police finally tracked him down at 5 p ....
Our authors who are agreeing to participate in this reflection on the book and where the arab world is now in the wake of this publication and in the wake of all of the developments of the last three plus years. Im going to briefly introduce our speakers. They will speak each for about 10 minutes in the order that i want to reduce them. I may ask them a few more questions and try and get them to fight with one another intellectually. Then we will have plenty of time for you to pose your questions or challenges to them and to all of us. Dan brumberg is one of our oldest in terms of longestserving partners in the journal of democracy. In fact he joined our editorial at an early stage of his career. And its been very influential in shaping our coverage of the Political Developments related to the arab world and associate professor of government and codirector of the program of democracy and government at georgetown university ....
Didnt. Now when we think about transitions i think we think about the transition. On. I still think its in many respects still an important intellectual theoretical contribution that the paradigm assumed that democratization would emerge not because people are committed to democracy but because people were using democratic rules as a mechanism of conflict resolution the notion of democracy without democrats but there was no basic identity area the extent to which heres the paradox. The authors of the paradigm are correct. You need some sort of political bargain to make a transition but its particularly difficult difficult to have a path in the struggle is not over economic and social issues explicitly but over identity. How do you bargain with identity issues . Its much more difficult than dealing with rates of inflation and so on if you compare the struggle for a pact in brazil would say to egypt. The polls were not trying to figure out their national identity. The question therefore ....
This event was hosted by the National Endowment for democracy in washington, d. C. The challenges of moving from what i call authoritarian rackets, protection rackets, democratic protection rackets, governance, and the paradigm itself focuses on the dynamic of the conflict and identity in the air of a political system, that paradigm is by no means limited to the cases of the arab world. Lets look at ukraine right now as an example, where the issue of identity politics and hypocrisy intersect and democracy. But i think the issues of identity conflict are especially precedent in the arab world for a variety of reasons, and its not something that we really expected in the sense that when the revolt started of course in tunisia in the rural area, not in part of the metropolitan capital but in the rural areas it was about a revolt searching for social and economic equality and dignity. And so many of the initial slogans in the rebe ....