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as choosing the option that said we would like a two-state solution so we can go on building our own oil or neighbors build their own. it s actually worse numbers that have appeared in similar polls in other years. sometimes it s been more 50/50 that even 50/50 isn t enough. there has to be a consensus on the palestinian side. it doesn t have to be 100%. there has to be a consensus that they will go for permanent peace. permanent peace also means policing. if there is a palestinian state than you can allow it to be a base for attacks on neighboring states. rather than look for blame in some day today in every action on the diplomatic front or on the settlement building front or on the military front that the essential question is who wants peace and he wants fighting? on that question, it s pretty clear that the blame is today as it has been since the conflict began on one side. thank you and with that can i ask members of the audience to join me in thanking joshua muravchi
IranAlgeriaStanfordIllinoisUnited-statesBrazilTurkeyColombiaSyriaLebanonRussiaWashington our authors who are agreeing to participate in this reflection on the book and where the arab world is now in the wake of this publication and in the wake of all of the developments of the last three plus years. i m going to briefly introduce our speakers. they will speak each for about 10 minutes in the order that i want to reduce them. i may ask them a few more questions and try and get them to fight with one another intellectually. then we will have plenty of time for you to pose your questions or challenges to them and to all of us. dan brumberg is one of our oldest in terms of longest-serving partners in the journal of democracy. in fact he joined our editorial at an early stage of his career. and it s been very influential in shaping our coverage of the political developments related to the arab world and associate professor of government and codirector of the program of democracy and government at georgetown university. he also serves as a special adviser with the inst
MiamiFloridaUnited-statesIranAlgeriaBrazilTurkeyColombiaSyriaLebanonRussiaJordan didn t. now when we think about transitions i think we think about the transition. on. i still think it s in many respects still an important intellectual theoretical contribution that the paradigm assumed that democratization would emerge not because people are committed to democracy but because people were using democratic rules as a mechanism of conflict resolution the notion of democracy without democrats but there was no basic identity area the extent to which here s the paradox. the authors of the paradigm are correct. you need some sort of political bargain to make a transition but it s particularly difficult difficult to have a path in the struggle is not over economic and social issues explicitly but over identity. how do you bargain with identity issues? it s much more difficult than dealing with rates of inflation and so on if you compare the struggle for a pact in brazil would say to egypt. the polls were not trying to figure out their national identity. the quest
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