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Fussing about the wrong things - Newspaper


The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.
PRIME MINISTER Narendra Modi has got India’s largest cricket stadium named after himself and this has kicked off needless fuss all around. If he is as bad as his critics say he is, someone will change the name of the stadium in the future, just as some from his ideological stable have changed other names of towns and streets, for example, Aurangzeb Road in Delhi.
The last of the major Mughal rulers was cruel to Hindus, so the Hindutva narrative goes, never mind that extremely powerful Hindu Rajputs were his chieftains. Was Aurangzeb any kinder to his father Shah Jahan or his brother Dara Shikoh or to the Sufi mystic Shah Sarmad who like Dara was decapitated although he posed no threat to the Mughal throne? Had the demand to erase Aurangzeb’s name from a Delhi road come from Sikhs, it would have made sense for what the emperor did to the revered Sikh guru. ....

Faisal Mosque , Shah Jahan , North West Frontier , Saudi Arabia , Gen Zia , Shah Sarmad , Prime Minister , Dara Shikoh , Ashish Nandy , Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh , Indira Gandhi , Jabra Chowk , Shapoorji Pallonji , Chaman Lal , Zakir Husain , Narendra Modi , Presidential Lodge , Delhi High Court , Aurangzeb Road , Hindu Rajputs , British Built Presidential Lodge , India Gate , Prof Chaman Lal , Prof Lal , Sardar Jafri , Zakir Sahib ,

Baloch leader Prince Mohyuddin passes away - Pakistan


Prince Mohyuddin Baloch. PPI/File
QUETTA: Prince Mohyuddin Ahmedzai Baloch, chief of the Baloch Rabita Ittifaq Tehreek and former federal minister, passed away at a private hospital in Karachi late on Thursday night. He was 79.
He suffered from kidney disease and was admitted to hospital a few days ago. Last year, he suffered a heart attack.
Prince Mohyuddin, who was paternal uncle of Khan of Kalat Mir Suleman Dawood, was laid to rest in the royal family graveyard in his native town Kalat in the presence of thousands of people.
Earlier, his funeral prayer was offered in Kalat, which were attended by Balochistan Chief Minister Jam Kamal Alyani, Home Minister Ziaullah Langove, Prince Ahmed Ali, member of National Assembly Syed Mehmood Shah, Senator Agha Omer Ahmedzai, provincial ministers, tribal elders and hundreds of people. ....

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Bonus mobili ed elettrodomestici 2021 | i requisiti e la GUIDA Agenzia delle Entrate


Bonus mobili ed elettrodomestici 2021 : anche nel 2021 è possibile richiedere la detrazione: ecco i requisiti e la GUIDA Agenzia delle Entrate. Si può . ....

Agency Of Revenue , Guide Agency , Income Tax , Gen Zia , வருமானம் வரி , கேன் ஸீய ,

A stagnant economy - Newspaper


The writer is a political economist.
A REVIEW of our economic data for this century triggers utter gloom. On almost all key indicators, we have either regressed or stagnated even while Bangladesh and India have made rapid progress.
We must grow at six to seven per cent annually to absorb our youth bulge, but have done so only twice (2003-2005) this century. However, inflation has exceeded that level in 12 years, piling misery on the poor. The industrial sector usually absorbs the youth bulge. Unfortunately, it has stagnated at around 20pc of GDP for decades while the service sector has grown from around 50pc to 60pc. Many poorer states achieve growth via exports. Our exports have fallen from 15pc of GDP in 2003 to around 10pc. FDI aids growth too. But it has fallen from 3.7pc of GDP in 2007 to 1pc. ....

Gen Zia , கேன் ஸீய ,

Imran Khan vs Ziaul Haq?


Opinion
May 4, 2021
Some of the more effusive opponents of the current regime are prone to exaggeration. A most amusing bit of hyperventilation is when some claim with great confidence that the current era is worse than the Gen Ziaul Haq dictatorship.
This is pure nonsense, but not because the protagonists of the current scenario are necessarily trying for things to be any better than the darkness of the 1980s. The comparison with the 1980s is nonsense because turning down the volume of the national discourse in Gen Zia’s era was just so much easier than it is today. In an era of a seemingly unlimited number of newspapers, television channels, social media feeds and angry, underserved citizens, the feeble attempts to ‘manage’ the national discourse only expose the limited imaginations of the protagonists of this unique time in Pakistan’s political history. ....

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