University of connecticut, and i will be cheering and moderating this roundtable. I should also inform you of course again that the panel is being televised by cspan, and one of our speakers, mycah conner, will be zooming in for her remarks and, you can see her right here on the screen. Unfortunately, another panelist, keri leigh merritt, had a family emergency a while ago, and let us know that you would not be able to participate today. So, just in terms of this panel, i would like to just put forward a few framing remarks on the 1862 moment, and then let the speakers go for ten minutes each, deliver their remarks, maybe talk amongst each other, raise some questions for each other. Id be happy to facilitate that. And then we will open it up for q a with the audience. And another reminder, do come up to the mic if you have a question. So in most conventional histories of the civil war, the year 1863 is often taken as the turning point of the war. The year of Significant Union military victories at gettysburg and vicksburg, and most importantly, the year president Abraham Lincoln issued the historic emancipation proclamation. But from the Vantage Point of Indian Country in the west, 1862 emerges as a crucial marker during the war. A precursor to the brutal subjugation of planes indians, and the conquest of the west that would follow the civil war. I think this is the reason that the oah this year has convened this two part round table on 1862. As my colleague at uconn, nancy shoemaker, likes to tell you, you cannot do in American History without native American History. Now, 1862 is the year of the u. S. Dakota war, and over 300 warriors were condemned to death by the military. Lincoln took the time to review the sentences carefully, and computed most of them, condemning 39 of the 303 dakota warriors to death. In the end, 38 were hanged, and that still constitutes the largest mass execution in u. S. History, as jimmy sweet just pointed out in the previous round table. 1862 is also the year of the [inaudible] background act, the Pacific Railway act, the Internal Revenue act, the homestead act. All these acts were predicated on the dispossession of native american nations, and it heralded the development of the american state. It is also the year that president lincoln issued his preliminary proclamation giving advance notice of his intention to issue the emancipation proclamation in 1863. Now of course, the process of indian dispossession can be traced back to the settlement of the north america by european colonists, accelerated mightily by the indian removals and the mexican war in the 19th century. And while there has been much historical scholarship recently, some done by our panelists, on a viewing of the civil war and reconstruction from the west, we still need to elaborate on how we may develop New Historical narratives of the war that would combine both older and relatively new approaches to the war and 1862 in particular. Today, our speakers will address these issues from varying perspectives. The histories of black emancipation and freed peoples struggles in the west, the history of the state and political ideologies in western history, and at least lincoln himself places like him himself squarely within that history. Now i would also like to point out that there was a typo in the original destruction of the 1862 roundtable because they were initially conceived more broadly to cover the entire civil war, rather than just the year 1862. I ask for your forbearance on behalf of the organizers and the staff that put the program together in the midst of a pandemic. Lets rest assured that we all know that the sand creek massacre of the arapaho and cheyenne peoples took place in 1864 and not in 1862. I would also like to thank [inaudible] barnes who conceived of these two round tables and the 1862 idea as was mentioned earlier, she could not be here, but she is the one who commandeered all of us in this panel and the earlier one to address this issue. So without further ado, let me introduce our panelists in the order in which they will speak. Each panelist will speak, as i said earlier, for around ten minutes, and then well open up the discussion here first amongst themselves, and then to the audience. And ill introduce all of them in one goes so that they can continue, we can continue with the order of the program. Hilary n. Green in associate professor in the department of gender and race studies at the university of alabama. She is the author of educational reconstruction, African American schools in the urban south, 1865 to 1890, which was published by the University Press in 2016. Shes also the author of articles, but chapters and other scholarly publications. She is currently at work on the second book manuscript, tentatively titled, unforgettable sacrifice. This book examines how every day African Americans remembered and commemorated the civil war from 1863 to the president. Mycah conner, who is joining us on the zoom right here, the screen, is a post doctoral scholar at [inaudible] penn state university. She received her ph. D. In history at harvard in 2021, her masters in history at harvard in 2014, and her bachelors in history at Columbia University in the city of new york in 2011. The working title of her book manuscript is, quote, on this bare ground, the ordeal of freed peoples camps at the making of emancipation in the civil war west. Her work has been supported by the Charles Warren center for American History at harvard university, and the Mellon Sawyer seminar on the politics of kinship at tufts university. And as i said earlier, she will be joining us virtually. Heather Cox Richardson is professor of history at Boston College and an expert on american political and economic history. She is the author of six books on american politics, including most recently how the south won the civil war, oligarchy, democracy, and the continuing fight for the soul of america, which i have the pleasure to review in the nation. She is a leading two to historian, explaining the historical background of ma turn his stories through twitter thread, z coordinator of [inaudible] we are history, a web magazine of popular history, and the author of that is from an american, a chronicle of american politics. And she is too modest to add that she is the woman of the year named by u. S. Today. Michael queen is an associate professor of history in the university of nevada las vegas, department of history. He earned his b. A. And emmy at unlv and his ph. D. At Columbia University. He is the author of several books of the civil war era, most recently, lincoln and native americans, for the Southern IllinoisUniversity Press series, the concisely library. He has also written several books on nevada history, most notably in the textbook, nevada, a history of the silver. Stage two for roman and a history of the great basin for the university of arizona press. She he served as executive director of the Pacific Coast branch of the american historical association. The floor is all yours hillary . I want to thank people for coming out today. Also to explore an act that most people talk about land grab universities. The moral act of 1862. Thinking about the recent attention brought by land grab universities, digital humanities project, created through investigative reporting and research is very public and very Interactive Digital tool which if you havent looked at it, its great for not just scholarship and ask questions before teaching and getting students to really think about education and institutions and railways. The moral act of 1862, and its finding of natural land grab institutions and other schools. Published in march of 2020 in High Country News under its education section, this project has garnered must praise, awards, but also scholarly contemplation. The native american and indigenous studies, a leading journal, devoted its spring 2021 issue to critical reflections on the project, including its methodology, research, and future questions that might be drawn and implications for Critical University studies, institutional repair. It is that we are talking about this at this roundtable. The act itself passed on july 2nd, 1862, that facilitated the creation of the state public colleges and universities through the development of sale of federal lands. This legislation that we talked about for the disposition of indigenous lands, for the benefit of predominately white americans. This dispossession occurred through, treaties agreements, seizure, we notice, we know that the federal government proved to be bad actors. Negotiated treaties, are they really treaties . The violence both real and rhetorical was at the core of these federal policies. It is the beauty of the Land Grab University project that shows the real consequences of land loss and u. S. Imperialism when the moral act of 1862 committed the federal government to act each state 30,000 acres of public land, the issue of land scrip certificates for each of its senators in congress. The what is less understood, though, the morrill act also affected southern black education. Here is where scholars, including myself, doing this work to we, talk about the second morrill act of 1890, which requires the creation of significant land institutions for black students, or missions not restricted by race. But the first act actually is used by kentucky state, alcorn, claflin, beginning a state university. Alcorn is the first, 1871, it starts receive money. Claflin and virginia state, called by other names, receive money in 1872. Kentucky state received its first funds in 1897. The first act, not the second act. Its going to be reported that way. When we look at black education and the schools will we see biracial reconstructive constitutions, once Public Schools are created for black children, how states use this federal legislation that still on the books to find black education, to raise other money. That i think is more of its implications of land grant university. It shows the limits of reconstructive states ability to fund black education. And how they maximize all federal policies and Funding Initiatives to do so. At the expense of not providing any more money. Its like the state lottery today for education. And so when we look at these states where the first morrill applied to the early hbcus we see that correlation between the diversity of those reconstruction act conventions, the creation of black schools, but also the dispossession of native americans that made it possible. And so i think one of the things that we have to not only use, look at that act, but more importantly, white supremacist governments that overthrew those reconstruction constitutions, they still use these acts. So you see the first morrill being used into the 20th century, for these hbcus. So we really see that government governments gave the bare minimum four back black Higher Education but also to and systematically under funded, but what does it mean theyre also dispossessing native americans too . So its black education, education, but also southern colonialism going handinhand. So this is where i think the grass land grant University Project leads to a future of scholarship. And i want to raise additional directions for understanding the scope of the morrill act and the Land Grab University on its impact on marginalized communities of color writ large in the United States. Which communities, indigenous communities specifically funded these initial hbcus . Those hbcus acknowledge this funding and the impact on indigenous communities to adopt curriculum or admission policies . Whom might their institutional reproductive . The schools were created for emancipated and discriminated individuals of predominantly southern black population, do these schools, like claflin, alcorn and others have responsibility and the same institutional burden as, say, ohio state and other large land grab pwrs . And i would argue they dont. But what is a institutional responsibility at repair look like then . And if white southern legislatures truth federal money to pay for black education instead of using state appropriations, what are the states responsibilities for both tribal communities who they receive funding from and even the underfunded each piece the use that the use of money for in their own institution and states. And as i think we think about this anniversary i think the field can attend more to the finance of Land Grab University projects for understated and southern communication, emancipation, expansion of federal power, and the overlapping legacies of american institutions of higher ed for all people of color in the United States to. Thank you [applause] mycah, could you unmute yourself and go ahead . Yeah. Thank you so much. And i really think the organizers and panelists for the flexibility and this chance to participate in such an important conversation today. While trying to excuse me organize my thoughts for today, i read the description of part one and i thought i might begin with a line from it, that ive been thinking about. I wasnt able to see the first panel because im here so i dont know if the panelists in part one discussed this already but if so, please take my thoughts as an invitation, perhaps, to carry the subject into our discussion. The description refers to is a significant year of transforming a black life while devastating native america. And this way of putting it kind of reminded me of a line from a recent history of the war that the u. S. Waged against the dakota people in 1862. And on lincoln and said, quote, ironically, he was also working on the emancipation proclamation issue, january 1st 1863, which granted freedom to slaves in areas under confederate control. At the same time that he was forced to deal with those dakota who had lost their own freedom and equality, and quote. But i should say that this gives the proclamation perhaps too much credit when the words themselves free no one, but enslaved people had to go out and fight for their freedom. And that gets lost here. We can maybe talk about, you know, congress responding to their actions before lincoln did with a series of legislation they passed in 1862. But for now, i want to just focus on how we might look at getting freedom versus losing freedom or transformation versus devastation, in a different way. And i wonder if this framework actually keeps us from understanding both the devastation and the violence of fighting and escaping the confederate project or slaveholding unionists, or at the same time eliding the history and survival work and future 80 of them to court to people during and after the wars. I work on the camps and other assemblies of selfeventuated people are free to people or refugees in the western and trans mississippi theaters of the civil war. And i write about how free people who werent devastated not by freedom but by the violence of the confederate project, by slaveholders, by con man, by Union Soldiers and employees, by migrants. I wonder then if we can think of overlapping histories, than, of missionary surveillance, of forced marches, of family separations, or the killings of children . Aspects of the atrocities that were telling had [inaudible] were the union forces surrounded voiced to go to families [inaudible] in to do a camp surrounded by was [inaudible] it reminded me of why a study from the same time, atrocities on other banks of the Mississippi River and rivers that connect to the Mississippi River. It reminded me of the people escaping bondage on the sand at the steamer [inaudible] and executed by guerrillas on the banks of the missouri river. It reminded me of the success of expulsions of free people from places like camp nelson and and those deaths. I think of the hundreds of people who died building Fort Mcmurray in nashville, tenessee which remains i think were still being found in 2018 if, im not mistaken. So i wonder where as we think in terms of devastation for one and transformation for another or loss and gain. I wonder, could the camp or the violent practice of encampment represent the possible intersection of these histories, specifically can review it encampment or camps as sites of violence as battlefields in their own right and sides of the injustice of the u. S. Government . Good to have help us to see both the intersections and the difference of this history of, these histories, and that they need to be at odds. Because if you look through the o. R. Army you volumes of the official records of the rebellion. Series one volumes or teen, youll find calculations made against the dakota people on the same pages as calculations against people escaping slavery. Like there will be a tally of union forces following the attacks on the dakota people on the same page as Samuel Curtis instructing a brigadier general, the negroes of loyal men should be encouraged to stay at home and mind their business. So i think if we can change the framework from of one group receiving freedom and another group leaving it all one for being transformed and another devastated, we could form new questions about the ways for me and fine [inaudible] we could see perhaps removals as aspects of [inaudible] management of the free people in the midwest and the mississippi valley. Others that would be the effort to clear Southern Illinois of escaping freed people left the republicans be accused of african icing illinois. Whether thats the series of rel