but in all of it, was this feeling that it would never get better and i now know that that's not true. hello. here in france, round one is over. and after an election campaign of twists and turns, the big surprise was the lack of big surprise. but it is a huge turning point all the same. the established parties became marginalised, in third and fifth place and now the contest comes down to a showdown between nationalistic populism and globalist liberalism. that is the battle being fought across the west. france is now divided down the middle. the radical candidates, who want to overthrow the existing order — le pen on the populist right, melenchon on the left, and six fringe candidates as well — they got a total of 49.6 per cent of the vote — in other words, half. there is an enormous well of discontent out there. for now, emmanuel macron is the man to watch — the best hope for a battered establishment of seeing off the radicals. but the twists continue in this campaign — tonight, his opponent marine le pen has stepped aside from the presidency of her own party — she wants to be above partisan politics she says. it is, and has been an extraordinary contest. the results last night led to joy in the macron camp in paris. joy at the le pen camp. in her stronghold in the north of france. disappointment that the basis of the traditional parties as scuffles in the bastille. this is where french revolutions occur or are commemorated. here antifascist protesters clashed with riot police. so, the morning after. less a sense of revolution, or of physicalfights, just a public struggling to think things through. who do you vote for now, macron, le pen? obviously macron because we can't let that happen, there's no way in hell that we are going to let that happen. like, she does not represent what this country stands for. she appeals to people's fear and she makes them afraid of what could be. i'm just hoping that france will not give in to that. translation: i will abstain. yes, i don't want to vote for him, so he won't get my vote. i won't vote le pen either because he will be president regardless. i will vote for macron, obviously. i will vote for macron because i'm voting against marine le pen. i think many will do the same thing. we are obviously in the midst of enormous political upheaval washing over the west. just look at the pattern. the rise of a populist right, whether it is farage, trump or le pen. the rise of a populist left, whether it's corbyn, bernie sanders, or melenchon here. the difficulties of established parties, particularly the traditional left of centre. the gulf between the big metropolitan areas and the secondary towns and cities. here in paris, le pen only got 5% of the vote. in parts of northern france, she was on 30. so, very clear patterns. but in each country there are some peculiarities and it is those that might dictate the outcome here. she's no—trump, she is the change candidate but she comes with the baggage of her party's past image so will struggle to win. on the other hand he is no hillary clint hill. he is about saving the current system itself but managed to sell himself as a revolutionary. the contest is his to lose. but it's not a mere formality. many left—leaning voters hate his economic liberalism. they will abstain rather than vote for him. giving le pen a route to power, albeit an unlikely one. whatever happens in two weeks‘ time it is going to be interesting for france. obviously if marine le pen wins it will be. if macron wins, just think about his next five years. he has got to use that time to reach out to le pen voters and woo them back to the mainstream. he has got to somehow reform france and get the system working here. and he's got to do all of that at the same time as finishing a political revolution. he's got a brand—new political party, he's got elections injune and he somehow has to get his people into that parliamentary building behind me. it's going to be quite a journey. macron for me is kind of a kennedy. he's handsome, he's clever, he speaks very well. but we needed kind of a nasty johnson in order to get the bills of rights and the big society because kennedy made wonderful speeches, but he had a very problematic foreign policy. and he couldn't get the laws he promised voted. and it was lyndonjohnson who was much less sexy, that knew the senate by heart, that knew the congress. who did the dirty politics? and he got the things done. round one is over, round to begin. but the real work is for the winner in round three. bringing france together after a bruising period of debate and division. i can't stress enough how marmite macron is. many love him, french voters outside of france — in london for example — gave him a big lead. but many here don't like him. i spoke to a taxi driver last night who was very frustrated, and said he could never vote for either macron or le pen. there are posters tout sauf macron... anyone but macron. and that is why it is interesting for the populist case, that marine le pen is so far behind in the polls. can she reach out to those on the left who like her anti—globalisation? is that why she has distanced herself from her own party? well, i'mjoined by mikael sala, who is on marine le pen‘s campaign committee and chairs ‘croissance bleu marine' which is a supportive think tank. good evening. why has she stepped down from the leadership of her own party? she's getting ready for the job, that she is getting in a couple of weeks. she will not be president of the national front and president of fans at the same time so she made the move right now and she's getting ready. it makes a lot of sense. the timing is perfect. will she go back to being party leader if she loses the presidency? while the first thing is we will win this one. butjust suppose you do not. the second thing is personally as a member of the national front, i want her to remain as boss because she's such a great boss to work for. so you're assuming she will go back to the leadership of the i hope so but she will win. there is another theory which is the tarnished brand is the brand of the nationalfront and she's somehow knows that there are folks out there, that french people are economically nationalists, we've seen that in this vote and they cannotjust quite bring themselves to vote for your party. there are several questions in one. the french presidential election is not an election between a party and the people of france, it is an election between a political personality and the people of france. that has always been the case. as opposed to parliamentary elections which are elections between a party and the people. that is one thing. had this been the case she would have resigned from the presidency of the national front month ago. it is just like the launch pad, we launched the rocket of marine le pen and now is the time to let the rock would go and fly. how do you broaden your appeal them because effectively you are about 38 in the polls, macron is 60—something. you're just a long way from it. you say that you're going to win but how are you going to do it, how do you broaden the pitch to people who are scared of national front. well we have been centrestage during this whole campaign. because the western world is very tired of the concept of fierce globalisation. the globalisation that has created wealth... i think there are people scared of it but then why are you 38% in the polls are not 50%. well, it is coming. the first round is there for the people to express themselves and then they eliminate, the jewish candidate who they feel is best suited for the job. and let me tell you one thing, the french will choose marine le pen because she's the only states present left in this country today. emmanuel macron is not a statesman. first of all he's a bit young for the job and the way he has behaved, going to berlin to meet angela merkel for a job interview, he is not a statesman. clearly states present in this country is marine le pen and this is why she does not need to fight, to broaden her appeal, that is broad enough. but there are many people who think that this is not the same party it was 20 years ago, but it has many of the same people in it who were there 20 years ago. including marine le pen. do you think it is the same party it was 20 years ago or is it a different party? it is different but the difference is, it is the continuing story. and personally ijoined the national front in 2013, which is not too long ago. but marine le pen was there when she was aged 18, 30 years ago. so you can see why some people, and you must have come across this, some peoplejust think of this party as fascist, you have moved a long way but your vote share has only grown by 3%. you have a lot more to do. you know, parties involved, the kind of accusation that the party is nationalists does not stick. the french know that it is not the truth. because what marine le pen stands for is patriotism. she says what makes this country great or made it great is that france had the ability to make french are people coming from anywhere around the world. we lost that somewhere along the way because of the sheer number we cannot take in so many people any more. so we have to reduce the number of migrants to make sure that france has this ability to make french people again by assimilating them to our culture. because it is not an ethnic country but a cultural country, a philosophical country. we must leave it there. thank you very much. the socialist party's candidate did appallingly badly — benoit hamon‘s more pro—eu stance left him trailing the independent left winger, melenchon. hamon ended up with six per cent. working for his election, was the mp axelle lemaire, she has been minister for the digital economy, and represents the french citizens who live outside the country in britain and northern europe. i asked her what lesson can her party draw from the election. a new generation of politicians. they want to see new faces. it is a no vote in the sense that it is an anti—system vote. and emmanuel macron was smart enough to play that card. the socialist party wasn't good enough to renew itself. i think times have changed and party politics in the way it used to work doesn't work any longer. you will vote for emmanuel macron, obviously. oh, yes. in the second round. many people who really want big change but who don't like marine le pen, where do they go? my feeling is some of them will just abstain. i think it's a source of concern and it shouldn't be underestimated. i'm particularly worried coming from the conservative activists because francois fillon called for a vote in favour of emmanuel macron yesterday evening. but the reality is that his core supporters, they are anti—gay rights. they are anti—abortion. they‘ re anti—islam, not anti—islamism. and some of them are closer in the position to marine le pen than to emmanuel macron. let me finish by asking you, when you look at the french political establishment, do you think they deserve a kick up the backside? because they've got one. can i be honest about this? i think they do. let's take stock of where we are: veteran journalists christine ockrent and pierre haski are with me, as they always seem to be when we talk about the french election. good evening. let's start on the socialists, can they get this back together? the official party has done so badly, can they come back? which socialists are you talking about? the party who have been governing. i mean, their performances the worst since the 19505. socialism did quite well and she made that point. melenchon will claim that he represents the new true socialist flame, ready... he is closer tojeremy corbyn. maulana shah has managed to do what others have not managed to do —— melenchon. here we have the situation, worried the socialists, are left to be some of them will go towards macron, the more liberal ones. he still has the sort of legitimacy for the social democrat brand, which of course macron has very much stolen to his own benefit. i am sure that manuel valls will try make a comeback. let's talk about the republicans, the right—wing party, they could easily have won this if they had put up a candidate who was not regarded as corrupt by most people. that why they will say that primaries, it is a terrible system, that francois fillon did win their primary, with a huge margin. he managed to transform an election that he could not lose into an election he could not win. that is why the party has murdered him, every leader of the party is mad at him and he paid the price today. all of the other candidates they were talking about all had issues and question marks. it will be interesting to see how he will make his comeback and want to lead the party. and still keep the 40—16 years old, the youngest conservative the legislative elections and people are split between wanting tojoin macron and help the new rejuvenation of politics but on the other side there is local politics and there are constituencies and people have invested in their lives there. i knew party system trying to break out of an old one. also these people want to keep their seats and they will have to face probably macron‘s candidates in their constituencies. but i think is really striking is the challenge for france. it is so important over the next five years, if macron wins. it is how he reaches out to the marine le pen voters. this country is very divided, there is a lot of discontent and a lot of people are feeling that they need a voice, aren't they? is macron capable of giving them a voice and making them feel listened to? that is what he is going to have to say in the coming ten days. we are all looking forward of course to the televised debate, which will take place next wednesday, because that will be a real moment. not only in politics. but also the psyche of the country. if he gets elected, which i think he will, all he does then isjust change the face is not change the politics, then the way we do politics in this country, and as you say, reach out to the people who voted for marine le pen, because they are angry people who have legitimate reasons to be angry. we cannot go back to business as usual in this country after what happened. you're going through the same experiences as the us but it may be that you have a second chance for macron to sort out the existing system before a populist takes over, if you look at it from that point of view, maybe france has something over the liberals of the us. emmanuel macron knows how the state machinery works. that is the way he was educated, that is what his experience, however brief, has been in government. what he says about the way the french state, which has always been over powerful and looked upon as a sort of god on earth, it is interesting. i think the people you're talking about, le pen and also jean—luc melenchon voters and voters are francois fillon, who will not necessarily fall in love with macron. he will have to find a way to explain how he wants to modernise the relationship between the state and the citizen. we will need to leave it there. that's it from paris, for now. but this election has done more than anything to crystallise and clarify the divisions in several western countries? including our own. and so let me hand back to you in london. kirsty. the reaction from france, but are there lessons of emmanual macron's first round victory for the centre left here in the uk? earlier this evening i spoke to the ardent europhile peter mandelson who tonight has launched a cross party campaign tonight to try to secure the defeat of pro brexit mps — of whatever party — in the coming election, but first i asked him whether macron's result offers him hope. it gives me great hope for france and gives me great hope for europe. these are strong pro—europeans, but he also recognises that europe has to be reinvented. it is one thing to have a great vision, but it needs a better popular offer. there is a picture of him and on the shelf behind him is a copy of your book, the third man. do you see him as an airto tony blair? in a sense, yes. he is somebody who very convincingly has set out to appeal, both to the centre—left and to the centre—right, who build a new coalition, a new majority in france, who will give him backing for the sort of reforms that he wants to see through, but which you cannot see through in france, without a big body of support behind you. but then, what is the lesson for the centre—left here, is it that you really have to break, with as it were at the old left? i think you have to be prepared, as macron did, to construct a campaign, outside conventional norms or conventional outlook or attitudes. i mean the public are absolutely desperate down outside the party? in his case, yes, because the parties socialists in france was crumbling around their ears. there really was not a centre—left party with which to campaign any more, worth its name. like in the uk? that is not the case in britain. we still have a labour party. going through obviously the trials and tribulations that we have become familiar with, but i think the key point about macron is that although he knew he had to appeal to both centre—left and centre—right, he knew he had to stand for something, he had to have a clear sense of where he wanted to take the country. do you see anyone who has a macron type figure here for the centre—left? can you identify anyone? no, because the people who are merging are merging within the labour party and not outside it, as macron had to do. who do you see emerging in the labour party who has that centre—left mantel? i am not going to tantalise you with names and gases. all i know is that there are a younger generation in the labour party, they do have that sense of vigour and commitment and one of them will come forward in order to lead is there a circumstance do you think when voting labour will not necessarily deliver the best result for the kind of brexit you would like to see? i am a supporter of open britain, the largest pro—european membership organisation in the country and what they want to do is to campaign in the most effective way against a hard brexit, against ebbing theresa may the blank check that she is looking for in the selection, to take britain out of europe on my view in the worst terms imaginable. this cross party grouping is launching its campaign now to give support for the most pro—remain—macro candidate standing, do you accept that might not be a labour candidate? and also to oppose those of a hard brexit and it will be different people from different parties. in that sense what you're saying is that in some constituencies it might be better to park your vote with the liberal democrats than for labour? that is for people to decide, we are not telling people how to vote. if you want to know how i would vote, i would be supporting the labour candidate. the point is not to tell people how to vote, it would be to advise them and help them to make the most effective intervention in constituencies around the country that can make a difference that is what democracy is all about. what is the labour position on brexit now? search me! i think you need to wait for the manifesto. the problem for the labour party in the selection on brexit is very clear and that is that they are not i am afraid differentiating between their position and policy sufficiently from the government or have not done up until now. they needed to do that if they were going to offer the voters a clear choice but i hope that that will come out in the wash and i hope that in the coming days and weeks we will see a clearer rather than a more robust approach from the labour party on this, because labour party supporters and voters and members right across the country are looking for leadership on brexit rather than an equivocal, rather more fence sitting position and approach we have had to date. if there is a defeat of the labour party, and just sayjeremy corbyn puts on a million votes still, should he stay? he may see that as a mandate to carry on. any leader who has the control of the party that he does, who will run the campaign in the way that he chooses, must also own the result that he gets and he must see the conclusion that defeat presents him with an fall on his sword. i hope you will do that. any person with an ounce of loyalty or responsibility to the labour party would do precisely that. just coming back to brexit and the idea, the thing that you're desperately trying to stop is a hard brexit, do you think that brexit itself is an inevitability? we are set on a course to leave the european union. we have had the referendum, we know the result. what we don't know and this is fundamentally important, is how we are going to leave the european union and on what terms, with what future trade deal between europe and the european union. he was the point in my view, the government has deliberately narrowed its options. i don't believe there is a one size fits all brexit. there are different permutations and different types of brexit, different terms on which we can leave the european union and secure the greatest continuity of our trade in and with the european union and my complaint and criticism of the government is that they are narrowing their options, taking options from the table, we know why, it is for purely political and ideological reasons because she is giving into the wild men in her party. that is what she is doing and in the process she is sacrificing them interest of our nation. you proud to be a sa bateur of brexit? i could not be more pleased with the daily mail calling me a saboteur and say that i had to be crushed. the other day the sun newspaper devoted a leader to announcing —— denouncing my treachery. i am as patriotically the next person but one thing i am not is a national list. i love my country that is why i am a patriot. i do not hate other countries as nationalists do. proud saboteur, peter mandelson, thank you very much. thank you. and labour's brexit spokesman keir starmer will be setting out labour's position on the today programme, radio 4 at 8.10 tomorrow morning. sheryl sandberg, the chief operating officer of facebook, came to the world's attention four years ago when lean in was published — a hand book designed to help professional women reach their career goals and overcome the barriers that exist for women in the workplace. it quickly became a best seller. then in may 2015 her husband dave goldberg died tragically after sustaining a head injury when he fell from a treadmill. after his death sandberg felt certain that she and her children would never feel pure joy again but her friend adam grant, a psychologist at the university of pennsylvania told her about concrete steps people can take to help them recover from life—shattering experiences. together they have written a book, ‘option b: facing adversity, building resilience, and findingjoy‘. emily spoke to sheryl sandberg. my biggest fear was that my kids would never be happy again, that all of their happiness would have been wiped away in that instant. and so i turned to my friend adam gray who is a psychologist, and asked him what i could do. how do i get my kids through this, how do i get myself through this? and i learned that resilience is not something we have a set amount of. it's a muscle. we build it, we build it in ourselves, in each other. in our children. and option b is our attempt to share what we learned. from the researchers who have studied this for a really long time, from other people who have faced all forms of adversity. and how do you get away then from that sense that what you were feeling at the worst moment would be with you forever? it's about rejecting permanence. in psychologist language. it's about when it is so bad, knowing or believing it can get better. those early moments of grief. i felt i was sucked into a void, like i could barely breathe. my brother—in—law talked about it, david's brother, as a boot stuck on his chest, pushing him in. and people told me, who had been through it, this gets better. adam told me it gets better and i did not believe them. and i'm hoping option b can do that, can tell people no matter how bad it feels, the sadness lingers, it's still with me today, but it does get better. and one of the ways you can make it get better is just believe it's possible. you don't have to feel it, because you're not going to. but you just have to know. and the other thing is, paying attention to the little, tiny moments when it's ok. i was waiting to feel ok. i wasn't going to feel ok. but a couple of weeks or months in, or even days in, i could laugh at one funny thing someone said and feel ok for a minute. a second. and knowing that and then being able to say, ok, other people have been through this, you can get to the other side, makes a really big difference in recovery. what was the worst moment for you? was it right at the beginning, or did it hit much later? ifound him on a gym floor. my brother—in—law kind of pulled me off his body when he was in the hospital. they were like, we have to go. he had died hours before. i told my children they had lost their father. like, there are so many bad moments, there is no one worst moment. but in all of it, was this feeling that it would never get better. and i now know that that's not true. it does get better. i'm still sad, i still miss him. but there are things i've learned through this. and knowing that there was a path to that boot getting lifted off your chest was so important. and what was the most helpful thing, was there one thing that you point to above all else that helps? probably gratitude. and it is so counterintuitive. how do you go through tragedy and trauma and come out feeling more grateful? but one day adam said to me, you know, you really should think about how things could be worse. i looked at him like he was crazy. worse? things could be worse? ijust lost my husband suddenly. and he looked at me and said, david could have had that same cardiac arrhythmia driving your children. i could have lost all three of them in that same incident. never occurred to me. and actually, the minute you say it, even here, you're like, ok, i'm good. my kids are alive. i didn't lose all three of them. and finding ways to feel grateful for what we have left, for no matter how hard things are, for the good things in life, is actually a gift. you know, it never occurred to me that david would not turn 48. it never occurred to me to feel grateful for birthdays, and now i do. you talk about the moment when you pushed against the bottom and finally found that kick—off to get back up to the surface. what was that? one thing adam told me was that happiness is not found in the big stuff. it's actually found in the small stuff. after dave died i was waiting to feel better. i was going to feel better. and on the way there, i was not doing anything fun. i was working, was taking care of my children, i would spend the rest of my time crying. and then one day i went to a bar mitzvah and a childhood friend pulled me onto the dance floor and i danced. for like a minute. i felt 0k. it was about four months after dave died. and then ijust burst into tears. because i think i felt so guilty that i had felt ok, even for a minute. and i needed permission to feel better. my brother—in—law, dave's brother, gave it to me and it was one of the most important things that's happened in my life. he called me one day crying and he said, sheryl, all dave ever wanted was for you and your children to be happy. don't take that away from him. and there is a role for social media in grief? you turned to facebook to write that post after the formal grieving period ended. and remember vividly you said, don't ask me how i am. ask me how i am today. trying to help people help you. i know i work at facebook and i believe deeply in facebook‘s mission. but i have a whole new understanding of what it can mean to people going through tragedy, as it was for me. you know, after i lost dave, it wasn't just the grief. it was like isolation. i came back to work, i'd always had very friendly relationships with my colleagues. and no one knew what to say to me, so often they said nothing. they only kind of looked at me like i was a ghost. and so there is thatjewish of mourning for a spouse. at the end of that period i wrote a post about how i was feeling. and the night before i went to sleep, i said there is no way i am posting this, it is too honest and too raw and too personal. and the next morning i felt so terrible, i thought nothing can be worse. it can only be better. and i posted and it really helped. but for me, having people say how are you today, having people acknowledge, kicking the elephant out of the room, was so important. and very much the path to writing this book. i guess social media can also be a place that amplifies grief. i mean, i have spoken to grieving mothers who have, you know, got trolled after a traumatic event. it's sort of unthinkable, but did you witness any of that yourself? you know, 1.8 billion people on our platform, things happen. and those are things we don't want to happen and we take very seriously and try and take the appropriate action. for me facebook became the place where dave's memories were stored. you know, people would walk up to me in those early days and still today, and tell me stories. and i loved hearing the stories. but, you know, in the fog of grief, i wasn't going to remember all of them. i wasn't going to remember all the details perfectly, to save them for my children who are going to know their father mostly through those stories. because they were so young when he died. and so dave's facebook page is where those stories live. and people's names and people's faces. and i look at it all the time. you have such, of course, a positive sense of what social media can do. but there's also this sense now, isn't there, that the internet we used to think of as providing unambiguous improvement to the world, now it feels like the mood is shifting. whether it is polarising us politically or eating into our privacy, our relationships. do you sense that backlash against the digital revolution? any technology i know can be used for good and can be used for ill purposes. and it's ourjob to make sure that people can share and connect on facebook and that we take the right steps to mitigate the harm when the technology is used in the wrong ways. one of the things that i think really helps facebook is we have real identity. people behave better when their names and their faces are attached to it. some people will still make awful comments and some people will still troll. but a lot of the bad comments go away when you can't do them anonymously. tell me one thing, the rumour is that silicon chiefs know how addictive screen time can be for their kids. do you have the same problems as the rest of us? how do you manage that with your kids? well, i think that there's a lot of good that happens online. both of my children go online. they research things for school, even in elementary school, they have access to information that i could have never, ever had. and we have rules around screen time in my house as well. my son has a phone, he is older. my daughter does not. and we have, you know, no phone at the table, no phone during meals, no phone before bedtime type of rules. facebook has been very proactive in combating fake news. you have this disputed content warning sign now on some of your sites. do you feel that this is a gesture that you are morphing from platform to publisher? we are really a platform and we take our responsibilities on false news very seriously. false news hurts everyone. because it makes our community uninformed, it hurts our community, it hurts countries. and we know that people want to see accurate news on facebook, and that's what we want them to see. so you have to become a publisher, an editorial voice now? i do not think we have to be the publisher and we definitely don't want to be arbiter of the truth. we don't think that's appropriate for us. we think everyone needs to do their part. newsrooms have to do their part. media companies, classrooms. and technology companies. we're focused on decreasing the financial incentives for false news. because a lot of times it is financially motivated. do you think fake news, though, is with us for life, or will it be gone? well, we all have to do our part to make sure that people see accurate information. and figuring out how we do that is something we're going to have to see and will evolve. but we know the goal. the goal is for people to see accurate information on facebook and everywhere else. thank you. that's about it for tonight, but before we go, pop fans celebrated today as it was announced that the orginal line—up of the ‘80s girl group bananarama were reforming for the first time since 1988. and, with an election in the air, what better way to remember keren, siobhan and sara than with this — highly political — promo for their 1988 greatest hits album. good night. # love, truth and honesty... # robert de niro's waiting, talking italian... # he was really saying something... # bop bop shoo be doo wah... # i want you back. # don't care what i have to do. # i want you back, back... # because i'm guilty, guilty as guilty as a girl can be... # he used to be a shy boy... 1a smash hits from bananarama. the most successful british girl group ever. guaranteed to get any party going. hello, good evening. some singing and dancing might be in order to keep yourself warm over the next couple of days, because the weather has taken a turn for the chilly. some cold air has worked its way southwards across the country. with that, a real russian showers on this northerly wind. this is the radar picture of what this evening. you can see quite a few showers across scotland, northern ireland, one or two elsewhere, but the showers put italy across northern scotland have already been falling snow, even the fairly low levels, i have to say. with that some strong winds as well. notice the tightly squeezed isobars, gales and severe gales. this is how we start tomorrow morning. it won't look or feel we start tomorrow morning. it won't look orfeel much we start tomorrow morning. it won't look or feel much like spring across the northern half of scotland. some showers, a mixture of rain, sleet and hailat showers, a mixture of rain, sleet and hail at low levels but over high ground some snow, and even the slightly lower levels at times there could be some snow in a heavier shower. showers as well across the east coast of england, into northern ireland. across the spine of england at this stage they won't be too many showers. it will be largely dry, sunny but cold. three degrees in birmingham. across pembrokeshire, cornwall and devon, where you are exposed to this northerly wind, we could start the day with showers and across high ground some of those could be wintry. as we go through the day they could become more widespread. they could crop upjust about anywhere. at low levels that will be a mixture of rain, sleet and hail is, but a mix of snow on high ground. in aberdeen, it will feel like freezing, even in the middle of the afternoon. now, as we go through tomorrow night, tuesday night, into wednesday, most of the showers will become confined to eastern areas. still some wintry ones. further west, clearer skies and dry weather. these are the temperatures to expect the middle of our towns and cities, glasgow and london, in the countryside may be —6 minus seven. wednesday starts chilly, but a su btle wednesday starts chilly, but a subtle change. this area of high pressure topples its way in, cutting off the worst, if you like, of that biting northerly wind. it might not feel as cold and most of the showers by this stage on wednesday will be confined to central and south—eastern areas. there could be the odd rumble of thunder and something wintry over high ground. more cloud creeping into scotland and northern ireland, the odd splash of rain, and temperatures beginning to nudge up again. 10 degrees in stornoway is the story for the end of the week. the cold air is not staying with us for long. it clears off into the continent, and something milder against the return from the atlantic. before that happens, are very chilly spell ahead with some wintry showers. get all the details where you are online. that's it for me for now. this is newsday. i'm rico hizon in singapore. our top stories. this is newsday. i'm rico hizon in singapore. ourtop stories. donald trump lodges a new diplomatic initiative to tackle north korea's nuclear and missile programmes, describing 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