The two big moves in early US Middle East policy
Three months is a very short time, especially in the life of a new administration scrambling to fill positions, review policy, and launch initiatives. And although the incoming administration’s priorities are largely domestic and in the foreign policy arena, their priorities are on global issues like climate change and fighting COVID or otherwise on China and Asia Middle East policy has seen important movement, particularly on Iran and Afghanistan.
The decision to find a pathway back into the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran was signaled loudly during the campaign, and it has translated into indirect talks in Vienna. Predictably, Iran has been testing the new administration with limited escalations in various theaters, partly to take the measure of the new president, and partly as a way to gain leverage in the negotiations. Despite their wide differences, the American and Iranian “administrations” both h
The two big moves in early US Middle East policy
Three months is a very short time, especially in the life of a new administration scrambling to fill positions, review policy, and launch initiatives. And although the incoming administration’s priorities are largely domestic and in the foreign policy arena, their priorities are on global issues like climate change and fighting COVID or otherwise on China and Asia Middle East policy has seen important movement, particularly on Iran and Afghanistan.
The decision to find a pathway back into the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran was signaled loudly during the campaign, and it has translated into indirect talks in Vienna. Predictably, Iran has been testing the new administration with limited escalations in various theaters, partly to take the measure of the new president, and partly as a way to gain leverage in the negotiations. Despite their wide differences, the American and Iranian “administrations” both h
Walking away from Afghanistan now is a mistake
The Biden administration decision to disengage militarily from Afghanistan by September 11 may seem warranted, perhaps even overdue, after a commitment of two decades and two trillion dollars. The U.S.’s initial objectives for intervention were seemingly achieved years ago and its subsequently acquired aims in staying have proved mostly unattainable. But while a full unconditional withdrawal from Afghanistan may appear to be defensible as the U.S. weighs its global threats, the president’s action is nevertheless shortsighted and narrow in its understanding of U.S. long-term security interests. Foremost, it is an “America First” policy that shows callous indifference to the consequences for a current-day Afghanistan that is to a large extent of our making. We are putting in motion developments that will eliminate any remaining possibilities for a negotiated peace, lead to increased violence, undermine a sitting government, collap
Distinguished Senior Fellow on National Security
Michael K. Nagata retired from the US Army in 2019 after 38 years of Active Duty, with 34 years in US Special Operations. His final position was Director of Strategy for the National Counterterrorism Center from 2016 to 2019.
After graduating from the National War College in 2003, he served for 2 years in the Office of the Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence. From 2005 to 2008, as a Special Mission Unit commander, he led multiple Joint SOF task forces across more than a dozen countries in Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia.
He then served within the US Intelligence Community in Washington D.C. as a Military Deputy for Counterterrorism until 2009. He then deployed again until late 2011 to Pakistan as the Deputy Chief, Office of the Defense Representative at the US Embassy there. Upon returning to the US, he served on the Joint Staff as the Deputy Director for Special Operations and Counterterrorism until 2013.
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