family members. you want to get into a debate about welfare, you can do it. if you want to get into a debate about taxes, you can do it. debate about drug legalization, you can do it. you can really, really do it. i oppose those people as a liberal. i hope that they never get any degree of power in the political system but they need to be recommend. when you talk about what s happening in terms of the racialization of the republican party, they deserve to be represented. this deserves to be a fight. right. what you end up with in effect is folks voting a certain way because somebody else is telling them they don t want them. and i think that s why the politics break down. i m glad to see that this has transferred to the immigration discussion. lorella, i want to get your response to this. if i were strictly an amoral political consultant person right now to the political party, i think this is good policy, good for the country and morally the right thing to do, but if i were
almost half the jobs created in texas were created for illegal aliens. in state tuition for illegal aliens. people here illegally today. sanctuary citizens. four years of college, almost $100,000 discount if you re an illegal alien. you can t have any i will leels working on our property. i m working for public office. i can t have any illegals. lorella, you had a strong reaction, not surprising. that language permeated the entire republican primary. yeah. it was language that didn t just come on undocumented immigrants, it wasn t about dreamers, the quote unquote illegal people that he was talking about, it was a slap in the face to the whole latino community, and i would say the whole people of color community. that is saying you don t belong here. your family essentially does not belong in this country and, you know, 50,000 latinos turn 18
say i will only fight you on my home field, i ll only fight you by my rules and then you come and you kick my you know what on that home field because, fran y frankly, i don t think that should be on the ballot. we were in a situation where that was the case, we won. we won, yeah. we won. i think that s just huge. it s absolutely guy began zblik lorella. i think there s been a tremendous amount of talk about the latino vote and the impact it has. i don t think there has been a lot of discussion about what made latinos vote in the way they did. that was a lot of voter mobilization. that was watching civic action happen and the delivery. it forced president obama to deliver on something months before the election to the constituency made a tremendous difference. you couldn t vote. i can t. i m curious what that felt like on election day. so even though we could not
never attend religious service voted for barack obama. 71% of jewish voters, 61 nonjew day owe christian whites voted for barack obama. part of me thinks, i was thinking about this, we only have the exit polling we have and the categories in exit polling are racial categories. there s other things, married, who watches the voice, who watches american idol. it would be fascinating if you had other categories. i m down on the obama database. exactly. if you had other categories, are there other subterrainian coalitions that are happening that we re not looking at because the categories we re looking at are census categories. goldie tailor and avik roy, and lorella perfect really, that was af fantastic conversation. i really learned a lot from all of you. thank you, thank you, thank you. when it came to the process
take tylenol or take aleve, the #1 recommended pain reliever by orthopedic doctors. just two aleve can keep pain away all day. back to the news. good morning from new york. i m chris hayes. here with msnbc contributor, goldie hayes. avik roy. and someone from the atlantic magazine and lorella. we are talking about the demographic structure of tuesday night s victory for the president and the two coalitions in american life and the ways in which senses of multi-tult turllism and cosmopolitanism and endangeredness seem to be some