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liability for trump? i think so, but it s not just for some of the reasons that desantis has pointed out. you also have to remember some of the emergency actions that he unilaterally took that set up biden to do the same. recall that he imposed a federal eviction moratorium, used the cdc s power to do so, extended the unemployment benefits, enhanced unemployment benefits without congress approval using fema dollars, and he extended the student loan payment pause, again without congressional authorizations. there were other things that he did. the way he handled it made people think that it was a bit of a circus. well, some of his people, his administration were actually doing important things behind the scenes, insuring that the states had enough ppp personal protective equipment, ventilators, delivering those to states like new york that needed it. they were working on operation warp speed to deliver vaccines in record time. but the way he personally handled it really undermined
but this is certainly something central to the negotiations right now that are closing in, and it s a big deal because biden needs to maintain his support from progressives, many of whom are surrogates for him in 2024. and speaker mccarthy, of course, vowed to lower spending when he had that difficulty becoming speaker with that 15 votes. so both of these leaders really need to maintain support from both their caucuses in order to be successful in the months going forward. mccarthy has no margin for error. and certainly it s going to seem like a lot of democrat voters are going to need to get this through. it a deal isn t reached by june 1st, if they can t come to an agreement and staring at the precipice of default, are there any emergency actions that the white house or treasury could take to try to buy negotiators a little more time? one thing that progressives are pushing especially those who don t want the white house to be negotiating at all is the idea of the 14th amendment
rulings. fall apart when you look at the whole data set. fall apart when you compare trump rulings to biden rowlands. when you compare how they treat covid measures and blue, states versus red states. so it s not the core can t have an emergency power. we needed to, when it s an execution process, or otherwise. it s that we ve normalized the emergency. and we ve normalized the procedures for emergency which are very short, swift procedures. and even what than that, the justices themselves are now insisting that some of these unsigned, unexplained rulings are precedents. chastising lower courts to having the temerity to not follow the unsigned unexplained decision. that was some of the. i should say it s important for them to have an emergency process or some kind. but that was one of the things that made it not such a big deal. that there was less process, less certainty and visibility and machinations of the courts around the sort of emergency actions. they weren t meant to be setti
around these emergency actions. they weren t meant to be setting precedent or binding anybody other than the parties to the immediate case. that is no longer true. that s right. the best evidence of the old school approach is until 1980 the norm was these emergency applications were dealt with by individual justices by themselves in chambers where they could provide more process, that used to be common to have oral arguments in a single justice s chambers, they could write an opinion and no one would confuse that as the word of the full court. in the 1980s what happened in response to the reinstitution of the death penalty is the court moved toward the full court procedure with less process and principle where at least 1980 to 2000s it is cabined in the unique space of the death penalty. the shift since 2017 is bringing it into the main stream seeing the court use the same procedures to put back into place trump immigration policies or other policies lower courts blocked, to block st