Pres. Johnson my fellow americans. Not long ago, i received a letter from a woman in the midwest. She wrote dear mr. President , in my humble way, i am writing to you about the crisis in vietnam. I have a son who is now in vietnam. My husband served in world war ii. Our country was at war. But now, this time, it is just something that i do not understand. Why . I have tried to answer that question. Dozens of times and more, in practically every state in this union. I have discussed it fully in baltimore in april, in washington in may, in San Francisco in june. Let me again, now, discuss it here in the east room of the white house. Why must young americans, born into a land exultant with hope and with golden promise, toil and suffer and sometimes die in such a remote and distant place . The answer, like the war itself, is not an easy one. But, it echoes clearly from the painful lessons of half a century. Three times in my lifetime, in two world wars and in korea, americans have gone to far lands to fight for freedom. We have that learned at terrible and a brutal cost that retreat does not bring safety, and weakness does not bring peace. And it is this lesson that has brought us to vietnam. This is a different kind of war. There are no marching armies or solemn declarations. Some citizens of South Vietnam at times, with understandable grievances have joined in the attack on their own government. But we must not let this mask the simple fact that this is really war. It is guided by North Vietnam, and it is spurred by communist china. Its goal is to conquer the south , to defeat american power, and to extend the asiatic dominion of communism. And there are great stakes in the balance. Most of the noncommunist nations of asia cannot, by themselves and alone, resist the growing might and the grasping ambition of asian communism. Our power, therefore, is a very vital shield. If we are driven from the field in vietnam, then no nation can ever again have the same confidence in american promise or in american protection. In each land, the forces of independence would be considerably weakened. And an asia so threatened by communist domination would certainly imperil the security of the United States itself. We did not choose to be the guardians at the gate, but there is no one else. Nor would surrender in vietnam bring peace. Because we learned from hitler in munich that success only feeds the appetite of aggression. The battle would be renewed in one country, and then another country, bringing with it perhaps even larger and crueler conflicts, as we have learned from the lessons of history. Moreover, we were in vietnam to fulfill one of the most solid pledges of the american nation. Three president s, president eisenhower, president kennedy and your current president , over 11 years have committed themselves and have promised to help defend this small and valiant nation. Strengthened by that promise the people of South Vietnam have fought for many long years. Thousands of them have died. Thousands more have been crippled and scarred by war. We just cannot now dishonor our word or abandon our commitment or leave those who believed us and who trusted us to the terror and repression and murder that would follow. This, then, my fellow americans is why we are in vietnam. What are our goals in that or stained land . First, we intend to convince the communists that we cannot be defeated by force of arms or by superior power. They are not easily convinced. In recent months, they have greatly increased their fighting forces and their attacks and the numbers of incidents. I have asked the commanding general, general westmoreland, what more he needs to meet this mounting aggression. He has told me, and we will meet his needs. I have today ordered to vietnam the Airmobile Division and certain other or service which will raise our fighting strength from 75,002 125,000 men 75,000 to 125,000 men almost immediately. Additional forces will be needed later, and they will be sent as requested. This will make it necessary to increase our fighting forces by raising the monthly draft call from 17,000 over a period of time to 35,000 per month and for us to step up our campaign for our voluntary enlistments. After this past week of deliberations, i have concluded that it is not essential to order reserve units into service now. If that necessity should later be indicated, i will give the matter most careful consideration, and i will give the country, you, an adequate notice before taking such action, but only after full preparations. We have also discussed with the government of South Vietnam, lately, the steps that we will take to substantially increase their own effort, both on the battlefield and toward reform and progress in the villages. Ambassador lodge is formulating a new program to be tested upon his return to that area. I have adjusted directed secretary rusk and Second Amendment are secretary mcnamara to be available immediately to review these committees, the appropriate congressional committees, what we plan to do in these areas. I have asked them to be able to answer the questions of any members of congress. And secretary mcnamara, in addition, will ask the Provisions Committee for an appropriate amount to meet the new cost until a supplemental measure is ready and hearings can be called when congress assembles in january. In the meantime, we will use the authority contained in the present defense appropriations bill under consideration to transfer funds and additional money that we will ask. These steps, like our actions in the past, are carefully measured to do what must be done to bring an end to aggression and a peaceful settlement. We do not want an expanding struggle with consequences that no one can foresee. Nor will we bluster or bully or flaunt our power. But we will not surrender. And we will not retreat. Four behind our american pledge lies the determination and resources, i believe, of all of the american nation. Second, once the communists know, as we know, that a violent solution is impossible, then a peaceful solution is inevitable. We are ready now, as we have always been, to move from the battlefield to the conference table. I have stated publicly, and many times, again and again americas willingness to begin unconditional discussions with any government at any place at any time. 15 efforts have been made to start these discussions with the help of 40 nations throughout the world. But there has been no answer. But we are going to continue to persist, if persist we must, until death and desolation have led to the same conference table where others could not join us at a smaller cost. I have spoken many times of our objectives in vietnam. So has the government of South Vietnam. Hanoi has set forth its own proposals. We are ready to discuss their proposals. And our proposals, and any proposals of any government whose people may be affected. For we fear the meeting room no more than we fear the battlefield. And in this pursuit, we welcome and we ask for the concern and the assistance of any nation and all nations. And if the United Nations and its officials or any one of its 114 members can, by deed or word, through private action or Public Initiative bring us nearer to an honorable peace then they will have the support and gratitude of the United States of america. I have directed ambassador goldberg to go to new york today and to present immediately to the secretarygeneral a letter from me requesting that all resources, the energy, and the immense prestige of the United Nations be employed to find ways to halt aggression and to bring peace in vietnam. I made a similar request at San Francisco a few weeks ago. Because we do not seek the destruction of any government, nor do we covet a foot of any territory, but we insist, and we will always insist, that the people of South Vietnam shall have the right of choice, the right to shape their own destiny in free elections in the south or throughout all vietnam under international supervision. And they shall not have any government imposed upon them by force and terror, so long as we can prevent it. This was the purpose of the 1954 agreements, which the communists have now cruelly shattered. And if the machinery of those agreements was tragically weak its purposes still guide our action. And as battle rages, we will continue as best we can to help the good people of South Vietnam enrich the condition of their life to feed the hungry, to attend the sick, to achieve to teach the young, to shelter the homeless, help the farmer increase his crops, and help the worker to find a job. It is an ancient and still terrible irony that while many leaders of men create division in pursuit of grand ambitions the children of man are really united in the simple, elusive desire for a life of fruitful and rewarding toil. As i said in john hopkins at baltimore, i hope that one day we can help all the people of asia toward that desire. Eugene black has made great progress since my appearance in baltimore. In that direction. Not if the price of peace because we are willing to bear any cost, but rather as a part of our obligations toward our fellow man. And let me also add now a personal note. I did not find it easy to send the flower of our youth, our finest young men, into battle. I have spoken to you today of the divisions and the four cents and the battalions and the units. But i know them all, every one. I have seen them in a thousand streets of a hundred towns in every state in this union, working and laughing and building and filled with hope and life. And i think i know, too, how their mothers weep and how their families sorrow. And this is the most agonizing and the most painful duty of your president. And there is something else, too. When i was young, poverty was so common that we didnt know it had a name. An educational something that you had to fight for. An education was something that you had to fight for. Water was really life itself. I have now been in public life 35 years, more than three decades. And in each of those 35 years, i have seen good men and wise leaders struggle to bring the blessings of this land to all of our people. And now, i am the president. It is now my opportunity to help every child get an education, to help every negro and every american citizen have an equal opportunity. To help every family get a decent home. And to help bring healing to the sick, and dignity to the old. As i have said before, that is what i live for, that is all i have wanted all my life since i was a little older. And i do not want to see all those hopes and dreams of so many people for so many years now drowned in the wasteful ravages of cruel war. And i will do all i can do to see that that never happens. But i also know, as a realistic public servant, as long as there are men who hate and destroy, we must have the courage to resist. Or we will see it all, all that we have built, all that we hope to build, all of our dreams for freedom, all all will be swept away on the flood of conquest. So too, this shall not happen. We will stand in vietnam. What america is and was and hopes system for the as an Important National asset telling the truth to this world, telling an exciting story is the voice of america. I classify this assignment in the front rank of importance to the freedom of the world. And that is why, today, i am proud to announce to you the name of the man who would direct the voice of america. Hes a man whose voice and whose face and whose mind is known to this country and to most of the entire world. His name is john chancellor. Mr. Chancellor was born 38 years ago in chicago. For more than 15 years, he has been with the News Department of the National Broadcasting company. During that time, he has covered the world in vienna, moscow new york, berlin, and washington. Since 1964, he has been with you, one of the white house correspondents. This, i think, is the first time in the history of the voice of america that a working newspaperman, a respected commentator and experienced independent reporter, has been given the responsibility of leadership and direction in this vital enterprise. I think he understands the challenges that are present and the achievements that are possible. And i am satisfied that the voice of america will be an imaginative, competent, reliable and always truthful hands. Stand up, john. The president has few responsibilities of greater importance or greater consequences of the countrys future than the Constitutional Responsibilities of nominating justices to the Supreme Court of the United States. I am happy today, here in the east room, to announce that the distinguished american who is my first choice for the position now vacant on the Supreme Court has agreed to accept this call to this vital duty. I will very shortly, this afternoon, send to the United States senate, my nomination of the honorable abe fortas to be an associate justice of the Supreme Court. For many, many years, i have regarded mr. Fortas as one of this nations most able and most respected and most outstanding citizens. A scholar, a profound thinker, a lawyer of superior ability, and a man of humane and deeply compassionate feelings toward his fellow man. A champion. Of our liberties. That opinion is shared by the Legal Profession and buying and by the bar of this country. By members of the congress and by the leaders of business and labor and other sectors of our national life. Mr. Fortas, as you know, has told me on numerous occasions in the last 20 months that he would not be an applicant or candidate or would not accept any appointment to any public office. And this is, i guess, as it should be. For in this instance, the job has sought the man. Mr. Fortas agrees that the duty and opportunity of service on the highest court of this great country is not a call that any citizen can reject. So i am proud for the country that he has, this morning, accepted this appointment and will serve his country as an associate justice of the Supreme Court. I will be glad to take your questions now for a period. Reporter mr. President , in the light on the decisions on vietnam, which you have just announced, is the United States prepared with additional plans should North Vietnam escalate its military effort . And how do you anticipate that the chinese communists will react to what you have announced today . Pres. Johnson i do not want to speculate on the reactions of other people. This nation is prepared, and will always be prepared, to protect its national interest. Reporter mr. President , you have not talked about a timetable in connection with vietnam. You have said, and you repeated today, that the United States will not be defeated and will not grow tired. Donald johnson, the National Commander of the american legion, went out to vietnam this spring and later called on you. He later told reporters that he could imagine a war there going on for 5, 6, or 7 years. Should you thought of that possibility, sir, and you think of the American People ought to think about possibility . Pres. Johnson yes. The American People ought to understand there will be no quick solution to the problem we face there. I dont want to predict whether it will be a matter of months, years or decades. I do not know that we have any accurate timetable on how long it will take to bring victory in world war i. I do not think anyone new if it would be two years, four years , or six years to meet with success in world war ii. I do think our cause is just. I do think our purposes and objectives are beyond any question. I do believe america will stand united behind her men that are there. And i plan, as long as i am president , to see that our forces are Strong Enough to protect our National Interests. And our right hand constantly protecting our interests with our military and our diplomatic and political negotiations are constantly attempting to find some solution that would substitute words for bombs. And i have said so me times, if anyone questions our good faith and asks us to meet with them and try to reason this method out, they will find us at the appointed place at the appointed time and proper charity. Reporter there is a representative of the republic of ghana talking to the president of the North Vietnamese to talk about the war vietnam. Is there any indication of that pres. Johnson we are always hopeful that every effort in that direction will meet with success. We welcome those efforts, as we welcome the indian suggestion, as we welcome this effort from the distinguished Prime Minister of Great Britain and others from time to time. As i just said, i hope that any member of the United Nations that has any idea or any program or any suggestions that they , will not let them go unexplored. Reporter what do you have outlined as your program for now . It would seem that you feel that we can have guns and butter for the foreseeable future. Do you have any idea right now though, that down the road to peace, the American People may have to face the problem of guns or butter . Pres. Johnson i have not the slightest doubt that whatever the American People need to face, we will face. All of us know that we are now in the 52nd month of a prosperity that has been unequaled in this nation. And i see no reason for declaring a National Emergency and i rejected that course of action earlier today when i made my decision. I cannot foresee what next year or the following year or the following year will hold. I only know the americans will do whatever is necessary, and at the moment, we enjoy the good fortune of having an unparalleled period of prosperity and this government will do all it can to see it is continued. Reporter can you tell us whether the missile site in North Vietnam that were bombed yesterday were manned by russians . And whether or not the administers and has a policy about russian technicians in North Vietnam . Pres. Johnson we have no information on how they were manned. I cannot speak with authority on that matter. We made the decision that we felt our National Interests required, and as those problems present themselves, we will face up to them. Reporter i wonder if you have had any communications from chiang kaishek, that he is ready to go to war with you. Pres. Johnson we have communicated with most of the friendly nations of the world the last few days. We have received from them responses that have been encouraging. I would not want to go into any individual response here, but i would say that i have indicated to all of the friendly nations what our problems were there the decision that confronted us, and ask for their help and their suggestions. Mr. Roberts. Reporter mr. President , given the Russian Military involvement , or a parent involvement, on the side of hanoi, on the one side, and the dialogue which mr. Harriman has been conducting on the other 40, as well as the disarmament talks in geneva at the moment, can you tell us whether you believe this war, as you now call it, can be contained in this corner of South East Asia without involving a u. S. Soviet confrontation . Pres. Johnson we would hope very much that we could. And we will do nothing to provoke that confrontation that we can avoid. As you know, immediately after i assumed the presidency, i immediately sent messages to the soviet union. We have had frequent exchange of views by letter and conversation with their leaders. We are doing nothing to provoke the soviet union. We are very happy that they have agreed to resume the disarmament conference. I went to some length to extend ourselves to make the proposals that i would hope would meet with acceptance of the peoples of the world. We would like to believe that there could be some success pulled from this Conference Although we have not been too , successful. I know of nothing that we have in mind that should arouse the distrust or provoke any violence on the part of the soviet union. Reporter does the fact that you are sending Additional Forces to vietnam imply any change in the existing policy of relying mainly on the South Vietnamese to carry out offensive operations and using American Forces to guard american installations and act as emergency backup . Pres. Johnson it does not imply any change in policy whatsoever. It does not imply any change of objective. Reporter would you like to see the United Nations now move formally as an organization to attempt to achieve a settlement in vietnam . Pres. Johnson i have made very clear in my San Francisco speech my hope that the secretarygeneral, under his wise leadership, will explore every possibility that might lead to a solution in this matter. In my letter to the secretarygeneral this morning which ambassador goldberg will deliver later today i reiterate , my hopes and desires, and i urge upon him, if he agrees, that he undertake the new efforts in this direction. Ambassador goldberg understands the challenge. We spent the weekend talking about the potentialities and the possibilities our hopes and our , dreams. I believe we will have an able advocate and a searching negotiator, who i would hope someday find success. Reporter mr. President , what are the borders of your power to conduct a war . At what point might you have to ask congress for a declaration . Pres. Johnson i dont know. That would depend on the circumstances. I keep 10 points of data on my calendar in the hour of the day. I have to ask congress, for their decisions almost any hour of the day. One of the principal duties of the president is to maintain constant consultation. I have talked to our guests and more than 50 members of congress in the last 24 hours. I submitted myself to their questions and the secretary of state and the secretary of defense will meet with them tomorrow, if they are ready to , answer any questions that they may need. Up until now we have had ample , authority, excellent cooperation, a United Congress behind us, and as near as i can tell from my meetings last night with the leaders and from my meetings today with the distinguished chairman of the committee and members of both parties, we all met as americans, united and determined to stand as one. Reporter in this connection however last night, one of the , leading governors of the republicans said some rather strong things. Governor hatfield of oregon said, the most recent escalation of action in vietnam is moving all of the people closer to world war iii, and we have no moral right to commit the world , and especially our own people to world war iii unilaterally or , by the decision of a few experts. This seems to imply rather strong criticism of president ial policies. Do you care to express any reaction . Pres. Johnson yes. I dont interpret it that way. I think there are dangers in escalation. I do not think i have any right to commit the whole world to world war iii. I am doing everything i know how to avoid it. But retreat is not necessarily the best way to avoid it. I have outlined what i think is the best policy. I would hope governor hatfield and the other governors, when they understand what we are doing, and when i have a chance to submit myself to their questioning, to counsel with them, would share my view. I know they have the same concerns that the American People and the people of the world and as i do. I dont believe our objectives are very different. As a matter of fact, i asked governors if they could, to come here to conclude their deliberations. I will have my plane go to minneapolis tomorrow. And i believe 43 of the 48 had indicated a desire to come here. I will give them all the information i can, confidential, secret, and otherwise, because i have Great Respect for them and their judgment and their opinions and their leadership. And it is going to be necessary in this effort. I will have the secretary of state and the secretary of defense review with them all of their plans answer their inquiries. We hope to resolve any doubts. Nancy . Reporter how do you feel, and the context of your office, we always hear it is a lonelys in the world. What you think about deliberations on vietnam . Pres. Johnson i am sorry, the cameras and the microphone, i didnt get your question. Raise the microphone up so i can hear you. Reporter mr. President , i say after the week of deliberations on vietnam, how do you feel, personally . Particularly in the context that we always hear your office is the loneliest in the world. Pres. Johnson i dont agree with that. I dont guess there is anyone in this country that has as much understanding and as much help and as many experts and as good advice, and as many people of both parties trying to help, as they are me. Of course, i admit i need it more than anyone else. Reporter mr. President would you be willing to in the last few days, i have had lots of callers. Reporter mr. President , which you be willing to permit direct negotiations with the viet cong forces of South Vietnam . Pres. Johnson we have stated time and again we will negotiate with any government, anytime anyplace. The viet cong will have no difficulty presenting their views is hanoi for a moment, decides she will not seek aggression. I do not think that that is an insurmountable problem. That could be worked out. Reporter to shift the subject does your appointment of mr. Gardner suggest there is less interest now in the creation of a separate department of education . Pres. Johnson not at all. My appointment suggests that i look over america to find the very best man to lead us forward to become an educated nation where every child obtains all the education that he can take. And, where the health of every citizen is his prime concern. And, where the Social Security system is brought to the needs of the 20th century. And after canvassing some 40 or 50 possibilities, i concluded that mr. Gardner was the best man i could get. And i asked his board to relieve him of his duties and release him to the government so that he could furnish the dynamic leadership, officially, that he has been furnishing unofficially to us. He told me yesterday morning that he was prepared to do that. And i remembered that i had not asked him what state he lived in or what his permanent residence was, and i put it on the nomination paper what part he belonged to. He rather, somewhat hesitatingly said i am a republican. I do not mean that his hesitating had any particular significance. [laughter] but i was happy that he said that, because a good many republicans voted for me. And i dont want to be partial or partisan in this administration. I like to see leadership of that kind come from the republican ranks. I told him that if he had no objection i would announce his appointment promptly. I hope that he would give us American Leadership without regard to party. I think that is what he will do and i believe all the nation will be proud of them as we are the other secretaries. Secretary celebrezze. [captions Copyright National cable satellite corp. 2015] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is