Let us concede: The Fulani ethnic group which had inherited some powers since 1804 Jihad, later sustained by the British, is not a novice. Though with little education in the Western sense, small in population and usually tiny in physique, an underestimation of the Fulani political prowess is dangerous, while over-estimation of its dexterity is a fleeting illusion. From 1500 when Hausaland was besieged by the Tuaregs, Arabs and Berbers, the Fulani were less known in this hemisphere until the 1804 Jihad which completely erased old things and reshaped the history of West Africa. The Fulani have remained a dynamic transmitter of cultures and politics and have played prominent roles in the emergence or destruction and building of empires since helping the Arabs to famish Sarakoli of Wokoro in Ghana, driven out from Senegal and Niger by the Tuaregs in 1050, sold to slavery by Sonni Ali of Songhay, built the Uthman Dan Fodio Empire and have increased their once tiny population in Nigeria since the beginning of the 20th century. Today, the Fulani are just 7 percent of Nigeria’s population but dictates the political economy at least by 60 percent. Power has been one of the greatest things sought by the Fulani, knowing that with political domination, every other thing follows. In this pursuit, power is to be attained by all means possible. Sociologists ascribe to them ‘decorous, polite, of great fortitude of bearing tremendous pain or affliction without showing’ any pain. There is a proverb in Fulfude that If a Fulani man stands his two feet on a red hot iron, the anguish would not be written on his or her face. They are reputed to be patient and diplomatic in statecraft. These attributes may have helped them to sustain the stronghold on Nigeria, but for how long will a system that fuels anguish and poverty reign?.Yet, as the 2023 elections approach, from all indications, it is easy to predict that the Fulani will produce the next President of Nigeria, from either of the mainstream political parties. This is not about President Mohammadu Buhari, but about a time honoured culture of a people hell bent on shaping the form and character of Nigerian politics. That they will determine who becomes the next President has less to do with what Nigerians want or desire, but more to do with precedence, capacity to control and manipulate existing national structures, primordial organization for a common goal, availability of funds and the strategic positions they have occupied before and after 1999. The 27 years of military rule, when might was right, has been used to change the political and economic landscapes of Nigeria to the extent that Presidential elections in the next 100 years will be determined by them boosted by skewed existing laws-mostly military decrees, delineation of wards, local governments and polling units, states, created by military fiat. At present, the Fulani ethnic group is negotiating from the position of strength. Apart from controlling state security apparatus, her people control illicit weapons in the hands of non-state actors leaving others at their mercy. Since 2015, the group has consolidated on the brief setbacks suffered between 1999 and 2015, when for 16 years, it had only a brief spell under Umaru Musa Yar’ Adua. Again, the APC was deliberately weakened by the Cabal, reduced to a martial structure where decisions are taken by a few people. Who took the decisions that the nomination forms should be N100 million? Who took the decision that former President Goodluck Jonathan should be invited to contest? Where are the minutes of the meeting?