If you didnt watch, i envy you. There was nothing new, republicans and democrats placed their assigned roles but we are not here to talk about that. We are talking about something more interesting, the Roberts Court. More than any other Supreme Court justice in recent history, john roberts has played a defining role in shaping our free speech block. Hes been more than twice as many majority opinions in this area than any of his colleagues and there is a certain result in 95 of the greek expression cases decided in his tenure, hes been in the majority. Hes taken the lead of nearly 80 of the time so theres Something Special about this, something that speaks to how john roberts sees the court. The first conference of report the roberts report, collins and hudson, each of whom is published more than ten books on free speech examined 56 cases handed down by Roberts Court from 2005 to 2020. He offers i open details looks at the cases and justices different approaches. Here to tell us about i
But were not here to talk about that, were here to talk about something more interesting, and that is the First Amendment jurisprudence of the Roberts Court. More than any other Supreme Court justice in recent history, john roberts has played a defining role in shaping our free speech laws. Hes written more than twice as many majority opinions in this area than any of his colleagues, and theres a certain resolve there, at once philosophical and tactical. In 95 of the Free Expression cases decided in his 15year tenure, roberts has been in the majority. Td hes taken the lead opinion nearly 30 of the time. So theres Something Special about this area of cases, something that speaks to how john roberts sees the court. In the First Comprehensive report on the Roberts Courts free speech jurisprudence, ron collins and david hudson examine the 56 such causes handed down by the6 Roberts Court from 20052020. The authors eyeopening study provides a detailed look at the cases and the justices diffe
Supreme Court Nominee judge amy coney barrett. Good afternoon. Good morning. Welcome to the virtual Cato Institute. Im the director of Robert E Lee Center for constitutional studies and author of the new book, supreme disorder judicial nominations and politics of americas highest court and related to that, im glad everyone taking a break from the barrett confirmation hearings this morning. If you didnt watch, i envy you. There was nothing new, republicans and democrats placed their assigned roles but we are not here to talk about that. We are talking about something more interesting, the Roberts Court. More than any other Supreme Court justice in recent history, john roberts has played a defining role in shaping our free speech block. Hes been more than twice as many majority opinions in this area than any of his colleagues and there is a certain result in 95 of the greek expression cases decided in his tenure, hes been in the majority. Hes taken the lead of nearly 80 of the time so th
Thats the only thing theyre tied into. Its not tied into protecting the public. So when you hear about these stories and you hear about from all across the political spectrum, but its actually far more difficult than you would think. Weve had some success, you know, we get rid of an occupati occupational license, but when you repeal two or three licenses, thats nice, its a step in a right direction but when a step has 250 or 300 licenses its just a drop in the bucket. What id like to do now is really talk about two things. First im going to talk about the challenges we face in trying to repeal these licenses that should not exist at all. And second of all, im going to talk about the challenges we face when we File Lawsuits to ask judges to throw out what we argue are unconstitutional licenses. So first in terms of trying to get reform passed, as i mentioned, its really difficult and the reason its so difficult is because of a phenomenon identified by public choice economists. Has anyon
Licensing requirements. Justin pearson talks about the studies at a Federalist Society event in montgomery, alabama. Theood morning, welcome to montgomery Federalist Society. I am president of the montgomery chapter and associate dean at Faulkner University school of law. Have you hereo today for our topic on occupational licensure. This is a topic that i am very interested in. Occupational licensing law established governmentbacked barriers of entry into based onns and fields the allegations that the general safety and welfare of the community is served and protected by them. The reality is that lobbyists and other connected Interest Groups favor occupational licensing for its anticompetitive effects. In fees and restrictions licensure prevent arch tort vent four return officially providing consumers with better goods and services. Of these laws. Proportionally on minority communities who would benefit regulations ie would go decisive Government Entity expensive Economic Freedom and m