-- cabinet members sign the blind pledge. she also talked about how important the soldier was to the outcome of the election. election.n the 1864 this talk was part of a symposium hosted by the emerging civil war blog. all right, i am not going to adjust the microphone, because we spent some time getting it adjusted for meg. i apologize if i look like i am hunched over. [laughter] i hate to stereotype, but i am sure that meg looks like a mild-mannered middle school math teacher. ironically that is exactly what , she is. [laughter] as she has educated by day, by night she has been working on her degree in military history. she is just about to wrap up her masters degree. in one of the most courageous acts i have seen from anybody, basically she is reinventing herself. it has been a great adventure for her to discover the american civil war from the perspective of a serious scholar, but also from the perspective of somebody who is loved it nearly four -- dearly for years. it is my pleasure to bring all the way from california one of our contributors to emerging civil war. she will be releasing the next book in our emerging civil war book series later this fall, "the aftermath of battle," which answers that very important and poignant question what did they , do with all of the bodies? definitely looking forward to that. in the meantime she will pick our brains with what she considers the most pivotal event of 1864, the reelection of abraham lincoln. meg thompson. [applause] >> good morning. i am meg thompson and i am from california. sometimes people ask me what california has to do with the civil war? that is not the topic, but i have an answer. in 1861 it was a new state. there were not a lot of native sons and daughters. when the war broke out, people turned around and went back east to the states they originally came from and volunteered to fight. it is interesting how it fell out. northern californians usually fought for the union and southern californians usually fought for the confederacy. more is known about the union californian units. they became the 69th, 71st, and 72nd, 160 pennsylvania volunteers. all told, california divided -- provided more troops per capita than any other state in the civil war. california also sent monthly over $5 million in gold to purchase war bonds. more than any other state. and they gave more money than any other state, in gold, to the sanitary commission for the entire duration of the war. i would say that california gave both blood and treasure to the war. that had a great deal to do with it. one of the things that has come across really clearly from yesterday to today is how important it is to look at primary documents. primary documents for historians are looked at by a process known as a close reading. close reading is a careful, briefned examination of a text. it is interpretive in nature and focuses on the specifics. try to put the passage you are reading into such context as possible. reading. as a historian, you need to know a lot about the general to understand the specific. let's look at an example. here is a general point of view. generally gives an order to jeb stuart in 1863. what theto find out union army is up to. this does not sound like an unusual order to stuart. he has done it before. he can do it again. he takes his troopers out for a ride around to gain information. none of this seems strange or character. the problem is, generally is he, ill physiologically and had actually had a heart attack at this period. he was still grieving the death of his daughter anna. anna had been born with a large disfiguring birthmark on her face, and a childhood accident had left her blind in one eye. this added to her further disfigurement. those of you who are fathers and mothers know that if you have a child like that they are special to you. lee knew that she would need him in a way that his other children did not. and then she died and she was -- and he was not there. he was additionally still missing stonewall jackson. he was less than his usual self. to suggest that he might have been a tad grumpy is not a stretch. lieutenant george campbell brown overhears lee expressing that he is uneasy and irritated by stuart's conduct, that he is blaming him for the defeat at gettysburg. brown claims that he dressed steward down upon his return to the army of northern virginia. everybody pretty much knows that. you have seen "gettysburg," you know that. and knowing all of this, is a historian's job. it is necessary information to be able to perform a close reading. particularly if that close reading is lee's famous letter to stuart written after gettysburg. the sentence in the letter, the energy and promptness of yourself and your command elicits my high admiration. this takes on a new depth of meeaning when placed in the context of gettysburg. especially the words energy and promptness. this is exactly what lee had been exasperated by in july. this is the sort of picky detail that a historian looks for in a close reading. let's turn to the subject at hand. the first close reading is a lincoln's blind memorandum. i am a schoolteacher, and school teachers give out handouts, so i do have a handout. [laughter] included in this is a copy of the blind memorandum in lincoln's own hand. there are two copies, the front part with the text in the back where the cabinet members signed it. while i was doing research for this topic, i looked at the usual suspects. lincoln biographers. these guys do not give very much page time to an explanation of the letter that lincoln wrote on august 23, 1864. lincoln folded and sealed the letter without revealing the contents to the members of the cabinet. he asked them to sign their names on the back. because they signed their names without reading the document, it has become known as the blind memorandum. signed it blind. it seems like a strange thing for a president to do. had they read it, however there , might have been startling reactions. the text of the blind memorandum is "this morning, as well as in some days past, it seems to me exceedingly probable that this administration will not be reelected. then it will be my duty to so cooperate with the president-elect as to save the union between the election and the inauguration, as he will have secured the election in such grounds that he cannot possibly save it afterwards." so we asked why would the , president write this? comply andcabinet sign it? no one has disclosed -- by signing it, they were date stamping an offer to the next president-elect. lincoln was not only offering his cooperation, he was offering the cooperation of his cabinet. read the blind memorandum now, we have the benefit of hindsight. it is easy to insert the name george mcclellan into each place lincoln only wrote "he." it is hugely important to remember that on august 23, 1864, lincoln did not know who was opponent would be. mcclellan had not been nominated. the peace platform had not been written or accepted. the democratic convention was not held until august 29. lincoln made an educated guess but nothing else. i feel lincoln's motive for having his cabinet date step this memorandum -- date stamp this memorandum, he was prepared to do what he thought was best for the country, even if he only had a few more weeks in office. maybe lincoln envisioned himself and the president-elect standing together in the field. doing all that could be done trying to end the war before the , inauguration in maybe he march. envisioned having to do it alone. it is a fairly dramatic gesture. it is probably not even constitutional. but is it what it seems on the surface? what were lincoln's real aims? we have to ask what else lincoln might have meant if he truly felt he was going to be defeated. the document is deeper. this morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this administration will not be reelected. then it will be my duty to -- to what? is it possible that lincoln is making an offer of cooperation to whoever the next president is, or might it be something less altruistic? is it something like it will be my duty to step aside as president? so the republican or the union party might nominate someone who has a better chance of winning? that is what lyndon johnson said he was doing after the tet offensive in 1968. the other possible choices for the republican party, it becomes clear that nobody, not john c fremont or salmon chase was better suited to lead the country than abraham lincoln. what are the other options? this morning, it seems exceedingly possible that this administration will not be reelected, then it will be my duty to -- abandon the emancipation proclamation? lincoln was well aware of the that wasusness generated by the emancipation proclamation. 1860 four, advisers were still trying to get the president to back away from that proclamation. he answered those well-meaning folks in this manner. will be damned for time and eternity if i return to slavery the black men who are fought for this country." so no, he is not going to change his mind about emancipation. so then it will be my duty to open up negotiations with the confederacy? lincoln was adamant that he would accept peace under two and only two circumstances, one, the restoration of the union, and two, the south had to agree to abandon slavery. isn't this what the war was about? the south is not going to say, oh, yeah, that's good advice. they will never accept these provisions. there had been peace talks already, but lincoln had always made his feelings as clear as the water in trout pools. it was union and emancipation and it would never be anything else. this morning, as in some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this administration will not be reelected. then it will be my duty to -- suspend elections? again, no. there is absolutely nothing to indicate that at any time of the console to postpone or cancel the election of 1864. rather just the opposite. to amendaged states their constitutions to provide for absentee voting. he worked with the army and the navy to allow elections to occur. he ordered his commanders to allow the flow of campaign materials into union camps and aboard ships. lincoln is quoted as saying after the fact "we cannot have a free government without elections. if the rebellion could force is to forgo or abandon national elections, it can claim to have already ruined us." this was in keeping with his interpretation of the constitution. he felt that there was no greater principle in that document than the election in which the people, as in we the people, determine their representatives. so it really was about altruism. nothing else would work. none of these options guaranteed -- none of these other options would work. none of these options guaranteed that the states would once more be united and that slavery would be forever eradicated from the land. lincoln considered that he might lose the election, but he did not consider, even for a moment, the idea of giving up the two things that he started the war in the first place. union and slavery. i mentioned the mysteriousness of the blind memorandum. all instances of greatness seemed to have something a little bit mysterious about him. i think a close reading of the blind memorandum shows why he was such a great resident. his faith in the people, his sincerity to his dedication for emancipation, and abraham lincoln knows that the war has gone too long and has been too bloody. nevertheless he believes in himself and the men who fought the war. he refuses to allow the soldiers to feel that they would lose. his fold -- his soldiers had not fought and died in vain. it was almost 150 years ago to this day when the blind memorandum was finally shared with the cabinet. they were stunned to see that he had offered their cooperation. these 60 simple words give it -- give the world and on unfettered look into the soul of one of the greatest presidents. so, that is the blind memorandum. -- thed close reading address to be ohio regiment. this is august 22, 1864. you have a copy of that as well. as important as it was to keep people in the field, it was still important to keep the capital, washington, well guarded. they were the volunteer militia units from ohio. their commander had volunteered to help in this endeavor. interim, in the reorganized its militia system , and renamed its state troops. is really important. they renamed them the national guard. lincoln took them up on the offer, and that resulted in more men being sent from ohio to guard the capital. by august, most of them were returning home. the president spoke with three of the regiments in august of 64. he spoke to the ohio one 64th, 166, and 168. he had already had the nomination of the republican convention. but, again, nobody knew who would carry the banner for the democrats, only that it would be someone powerful enough to upset the incumbent. we know that it was mcclellan, but again there had not been a , democratic convention yet. the timing of the speeches is crucial to understanding the importance of the words that lincoln chose to address these soldiers. it is not an anti-mcclellan speech. ok? this particular speech was written on or about the same day as the blind memorandum. the future was looking dim for lincoln's reelection. there had been no significant battlefield successes since gettysburg. grant's plan had resulted in nothing but high union casualties. the republican bosses were concerned that the voting public, which at that point were white men, had not gotten behind the emancipation proclamation. even though there were now black soldiers now serving in the union army, for the first time in history. there would be some form of voting made available for soldiers serving in the field. as of 1862, only wisconsin was allowing men to vote somewhere other than their local district. the war was going to extend through the elections of 1864, and this was going to force states to come to grips with an impossible decision. should they deny their soldiers fighting in the war the right to suffrage because they were away from home? or should they pass laws and create systems to allow those soldiers to vote in absentia? at this point in time, candidates did very little personal campaigning. lincoln was no exception. he did take every chance to speak to the soldiers, however . this speech was a farewell gift. lincoln's short speeches -- there are three of them -- became more than just thank you's. he begins the speech to the 166 ohio with the general words of thanks that he gave to all the soldiers that month. he told the soldiers i suppose , you are going home to see your families and friends. the service you have done and this great struggle in which we are engaged, i present my sincere thanks for myself and the country. perhaps the most important words --e are "going home to go "going home." they were voters, and they could be spokesman for the union voter cause. lincoln continues. "i always feel inclined when i say anything to soldiers to impress on them with a few brief remarks the importance of this conflict. it is not merely for today but for all time to come that we should perpetuate for our children's children that great free government that we have enjoyed all of our lives. i beg you to remember this." in this passage, lincoln reminds people that they are part of a larger whole. their work affected not merely themselves but future generations. who will, it is hoped, be able to enjoy the benefits of a unified country just like they have. he reminds the soldiers of his own humble beginnings. lived inemporarily this big white house. i am living witness that any of your children can live here just as my father's child has. i ask that through your industry and enterprise and intelligence that people will have all of their desirable human aspirations." the soldiers were very likely to be family men. the eminence of their departure for home and the comforts of family conveniently created a point of emphasis for lincoln to press concerning the lasting importance of the war effort. he reminded them that he was only a temporary occupant of the office of the president. any child might have the chance one day to be president himself, through hard work and enterprise. this is a particularly telling part of the speech. it gives lincoln a chance to bring up the coming election in a veiled way. he artfully guides their thoughts through the prospect for the party and the union. this free government, which we have enjoyed, is now in jeopardy. but it can be saved with the judicious cast of a ballot. lincoln finishes with a reminder. we must not lose our birthright. "the nation is worth fighting for to secure such an inestimable jewel." lincoln turns attention away from his own ambitions and pins the emphasis on the soldiers vote. the soldiers had honorably served the union cause in their 100-day defense of the capital. with that work being done, the president makes a campaign plea. by calling the attention to the needs of the nation and the nation's future, lincoln places significant weight behind the idea that their service for the cause of union and freedom entailed one additional task. go home and vote for the president in the november election. that vote will secure the jewel of liberty for generations to come. so those are the two close , readings that influenced my paper. so let's talk for a few minutes about the soldiers voting. that lincoln felt was so important. to did not know if he would be -- he did not know if he would be reelected for a second term. there had been no major military victory since july 1860 three. the emancipation was not universally popular, or he did not feel it was. it created a disturbing backlash in many areas. congressional democrats were looking for any chance to discredit the administration, and they had successfully raised the specter of racial equality .n 1862 through state elections and it gained some votes. they hoped to use the same issue again and add to it fears that lincoln would never consider an end to the war unless slavery were abolished. nation inly, the civil war, there are over a million men of voting age underarms. -- under arms. in 1962, only one state a lot of soldier to vote outside of his home state. but by 1964, 19 other northern states had created and passed legislation allowing their soldiers to vote in the field. america had never faced the dilemma of absentee voting. much was uncertain. they did not know how to manage soldier voting. they did not know what effect military voting might have on lincoln's reelection. and they were not sure about how the soldiers felt. the enthusiasm in the war was beginning to wane by late 1863. the peace democrats and the copperheads were campaigning vigorously in a manner described by historian even alan johnson -- historian david alan johnson as anti-lincoln. he said "another four years of lincoln in the white house would result in anarchy, tyranny, and negro equality." the effectiveness can be seen in the results or lack thereof of the elections in ohio and indiana. -- ohio, pennsylvania, and indiana. in ohio the republicans won. , when congress reconvened, ohio democrats now only held two seats. indiana added for republicans to fouror republicans -- republicans to their congressional total. both indiana and pennsylvania only added qufour. they wrote as the state elections go, so will the presidential elections. so it looked good. but lincoln was not nearly as confident as the results would indicate he should have been. he predicted that he would win the election but only by six electoral votes. and it was, again, not the public mandate lincoln felt was necessary to carry the war to the end. he felt that the power to prosecute the war and to make peace would be greatly impaired by such a narrow victory. during this time, the winter of 1862 now, lincoln became very concerned with the army vote. he sent a telegram to grant in virginia asking him to report on state elections and interesting anxiety. -- expressing anxiety. it had been the soldier vote that had tipped october voting in towards the republicans, and president lincoln was not about to abandon what would prove to be his base. remember, this is the first time that american soldiers were serving in the field during a general election. historian james mcpherson points out, here was a bold experiment in democracy. the american experiment of holding an election during a civil war whose election would determine the nation's future is unique in history. no other society had tried the experiment of all allowing fighting men to vote in an election that might decide whether they were going to continue fighting. there was no plan in place to collect votes from the men in the field. prior to 1860, if a soldier was going to be home, he could vote, otherwise his field status effectively disenfranchised him. it appeared to be a serious matter in the eyes of many, especially the men who were going to be denied their right as citizens and soldiers to cast a ballot. lincoln himself was determined that the election would take place. some suggested the cancellation of the election using wartime emergency, but lincoln's believe -- belief in the constitution would not allow him to. had already been accused of violating the constitution by suspending other constitutional provisions like habeas corpus. to prosecute a war to preserve the rule of law for a majority and then to suspend the right of that majority to choose its leaders, to lincoln, was an unjustifiable action. and he thought it would justify the accusations that he was a dictator. the states elections of 1862 were the first electoral contest to raise widespread questions about the voting rights of soldiers and sailors. small then, with a regular army and an even smaller navy, few local officials were concerned about absentee voting. it was assumed that all citizens would simply vote in their local precincts or not at all. many state constitutions restricted voting to within their boundaries. such limitations effectively made voting by soldiers away from their home illegal. the desire of the men and the communities they represented at this point, however, had changed. it was felt the soldiers should vote. it was difficult to make this happen. there were a lot of logistics that made a hard. state constitutions were so tangled, sometimes an amendment was required to allow the legislature to legislate at all. there were variances from state to state. for instance, in vermont. i think this is a great the one. state supreme court finally declares it to be unconstitutional for there to be absentee voting in state elections, but entirely constitutional for soldiers to vote in congressional and presidential elections. by the election of 1864, steps had been taken in most states to ensure that the soldiers in the field could vote. however indiana, delaware, and new jersey failed to pass el th -- bills, so no provisions were made to help those groups. oregon never passed a bill. depending on the will of the states, there were two types of voting. one was a simple process of taking a ballot box to the field and allowing individual soldiers to vote. the other was a more complicated process, proxy voting. the soldier prepared the ballot in the field and then the ballot was sent to a designated proxy who cast the ballot. each of these methods had problems that needed to be worked out. the first method was true voting in the field. the effect of casting a ballot was exactly the same as if it had been cast in the soldier's legal polling place. state constitutions created problems regarding implementation procedures, but most states worked mightily to amend constitutions and allow their soldiers to exercise their right to vote. military officers could not take the ballot box to the field, as states felt there might be pressure put for one candidate or the other. voting was a civil matter, and some states felt that it should be under the control of civil officers who were not answerable to the military. this was an objection to the method of collecting and counting votes rather, then the act of voting itself. several states avoided the issue by passing soldier of voting tax -- soldier voting acts. proxy voting was adopted in new york, illinois, and a few counties in other states. proxy voting avoided the problems of collecting votes in the field, but had other issues. the secrecy of the vote could be compromised before it was cast in the home precinct. the opportunity for fraud was great. this was a serious concern for new york soldiers. the state of new york was torn apart by jockeying for power. there is, in fact, ample evidence of fraud in new york's results. in new york and connecticut, the soldiers' vote affected the outcome of the state elections. that was in 1862. however, historian frank nor no wrote that, contrary to the popular vote and electoral vote of the north. even if they had not been chosen, the union party would have controlled the 39th congress. there are plenty of gray areas in soldier polling, most of them beginning with state constitutions. by mostthe provision states, and i think this is particularly telling -- efforts by the democratic party to ensure the widespread disenfranchisement of many union soldiers. every state that attempted to amend legislation to provide some method of soldier voting failed if voted on by a legislature with a democratic majority. the democrats persistently opposed any legislation having the soldier the right to vote in the field. the states that prohibited absentee voting were heavily democratic. none of these states had any reason to encourage their soldiers to cast ballots. lincoln road to general sherman asking him to allow his men from indiana to return home to vote in that state's crucial election. the president asked the same of eade,, meet, sheridan -- m sheridan, and the navy secretary. only about 15,000 men were able to cast ballots in the field for the 1864 election, but many were able to return to home states to vote. no record was kept of the number of soldiers who voted in their home states. of those who cast an absentee ballot, 78% voted for lincoln. 22 percent voted for mcclellan. lincoln captured over 55% of the popular vote, and a staggering electoral count of 212 21.the -- of 212 to 12. the military tally was even more disproportionate. lincoln takes 3/5 of the soldier vote. why? what caused the soldiers to vote for lincoln in such numbers? the central issue of the election is the war. the candidates offered two distinct choices to the fighting men. a vote for lincoln is a vote for the prosecution of the war -- a vote for lincoln is able to for the prosecution of war. a vote for mcclellan meant to stop hostilities immediately. it offered the possibility of returning home. but you would have to admit the entire war effort had been a failure. the men who voted in 1864's army were fighting for a cause is to -- bequeathed to them by a revolutionary generation, and had been raised to love the ideology. secession -- private wilbur fisk wrote home, "when we realize we -- when we reflect that we are standing on the outer verge of all that is left of american union and nothing but rebellion is beyond and that we are guarding our own homes from treasonous usurpations, we fill -- we feel a thrill of pride that we are permitted to bear a part in maintaining our government." by 1864, the emancipation proclamation had been released for a year. democrats hoped it would shore up anti-lincoln sentiment. but this was not the case. black soldiers serving had made many soldiers believe that things could be shared. a soldier wrote that a discussion took place over the campfire about the race question. they took a straw poll and indicated the battery approved old abe 75 to 0. election jones noted, "thank god that the sin of slavery will be no more. i can bear all the deprivations of a soldier's life." megan was -- lincoln was concerned about troop morale. at this point he wrote the blind memorandum. memorandum, by the way, was not taken out of the desk until after the election. it turns out that he did not have to volunteer to do all of that after all. it certainly made it obvious that he was willing to do everything he could to shore up civilian and soldier votes. many democrats hoped that many in the field would remain loyal to their former commanding general, george mcclellan. it is one reason he was nominated. but they underestimated the ability of union soldiers to analyze for themselves just what a vote for the democratic peace platform would indicate. basically that everything he fought for was meaningless. most forces had been in a uniform since the first call in 1861. these men knew personally what this war meant and what would happen if it were not fought to its conclusion. they announced with their votes the ownership of the conflict and their belief that union and emancipation were worth the effort. soldiers and a volunteer army are citizen soldiers. most of them thought of themselves as citizens first. a belief in the cause was essential to the union army's fighting prowess. historian joseph allen frank has suggested politics was central to a people's army, which was the armed manifestation of a political ideal. politics created the war. and whether a man was political ly sophisticated or naïve, all at six kept him fighting. by the time of the election, the soldiers favored freeing enslaved men and enlisting them. a soldier wrote "i have yet to meet a slave that does not prefer the imperfect freedom of the army to slavery." if a black man has been endowed with the ability to elevate him to a position that would take an equal to the white race, i say let him come up. the union benefited by being able to get mail regularly. communication with the home front is evidence of the social contract soldiers made with those they left behind. homeen counted on those at to share their sacrifices and they communicated those feelings to friends and family. the homefront was obligated to sustain army morale. the soldier expected home to support the war effort. for most soldiers, democrats and copperheads in general, and then landing him and george mcclellan's candidacy in particular, raised their ire. soldiers were politically influential over their families and community. a person who criticized lincoln by default criticized the war. and by criticizing the war, criticized the soldier. this sort of person became a traitor. "dad, i am in sober earnest when i say do not waver in your devotion. load your gun and strike the traitor so we can settle with them when we come home." another wrote "the longer i stay in the army, the worse i feel toward the copperheads. they deserve to be hung." union general willard wilde send a letter to a friend claiming "mcclellan is the most treacherous traitor of them all." they said that the election of mcclellan would be the worst thing that was ever done to the country. the rebels said, that is the thing we are depending on most. yeah, the rebels. the election of 1864 excited the confederates, too. they would shout their enthusiasm for the mcclellan candidacy. this furthered the resolve of the union soldier to vote republican. [laughter] after casting his vote for lincoln, one man wrote his -- in his diary, "the greatest war has been fought and i know today."ave won another man wrote to his family "i want abraham to handle the reins until the rebellion is crushed and the old flag waves proudly over this land again. i cannot see little mac in the white house, wrote a calgary man -- "i cannot see little mac in the white house while abraham is able to swing them all. this was published in 1867. he explains that the prison officials in andersonville were very pro-mcclellan and were anxious to see how the prisoners felt. he wrote "on the day of the election, two bags were placed on the inside of the stockade. those in favor of lincoln were to place a black bean into a bag, and those voting mcclellan put in white beans. we were marched by our hundreds and put in. it is understood that if a majority voted for little mac we would get extra rations. the result of the ballot was 1800 for mcclellan and 6000 for lincoln. soldiers in a place like andersonville would really forgo rations to vote for lincoln in an election that even count -- that is very humbling. ultimately, the soldier vote did not prove crucial in reelecting lincoln. the president of the union party won over 55% of the popular vote. nevertheless the 12 states that , allowed absentee ballots, separate tallies confirmed that 77% of them voted for lincoln. an impressive mandate. after the war, absentee voting was no longer a problem for the american military. allstate constitutions were amended quickly to ensure that american fighting men and women would not be disenfranchised. robert ramsey, a democrat from west virginia, introduced a national voting rights bill, opposition from southern states concerning states rights and poll taxes. -- lincoln roosevelt franklin roosevelt signed it into law. trying to see in the minds of americans 150 years ago is challenging. the soldiers of the union and underwent anrmies intense time. politics was central to the development of soldier morale, unit organization unit cohesion, , officer quality, fighting style, and the nature of the evolving relationship between the military and the home front. politics began the war, and ultimately political decisions were responsible for the lives of america for all citizen soldiers. after three years of slaughter, they demanded the right to vote. almost 80% voted for lincoln. the men who did the fighting voted by a far larger majority than the folks at home to finish the job they started. they had a good understanding of politics and knew that voting for lincoln meant continuing the war. they voted their loyalty to the causes of union and abolition with ballots, many of which were figuratively marked in blood. thank you. [applause] >> we have time for questions. >> thank you. >> [indiscernible] >> i will try. let's assume that somehow the confederates held on to atlanta had lostvember lincoln the popular vote or more importantly in december, mcclellan would have won the electoral vote, which could have gone either way and that on march 4, 1865, mcclellan became president and put into force the peace party platform. can you speculate as to what the peace conference might have been like that would have come later? i will just give you three specific issues, and there are many more. what would've happened to west virginia? what about the union naval base? and how would the union indemnify the union states for the confederate slaves that had escaped? imagine yourself being one of the negotiators on either side. opinion, i do not think they ever would have agreed on anything. [laughter] >> they still can't. [laughter] >> i think if that had happened, would beorshow, there some movement that they would be the southern united states and the union would be the northern united states, but they would be two separate countries. effectively, we would've had a third world country right at our doorstep, because the confederacy had very little infrastructure. they just were not able to take care of themselves. if they ever could have decided anything about slavery. there was still the west. maybe escaped slaves or people who were afraid of being put back into slavery could simply have gone west. the chances of a western union might have come along as well. west virginia, i'm pretty sure, would have stayed with the union. that was the whole point all along. -- when you go further into beyond mcclellan, god forbid -- and you look at what happened in europe, at what point would a non-united states have helped out in world war i? at what point could we have helped out in world war ii? at what point would there have been the infrastructure to provide the technology to create the incredible things -- granted we got them through warfare -- that ended the war effectively in europe? there would have been no atomic bomb. i'm not saying -- we rented a car -- what kind of car is it? it is half electric and half gas. it does not have a key and you push a button. i do not think there would have been one of those. i'm pretty sure we would've taken a serious left. i do not think america would have had a golden age. i think we pretty much would become a balkanized area, pretty much like europe. as for what would happen to the norfolk shipyards -- it is a crapshoot. >> [indiscernible] >> yeah. [laughter] >> [indiscernible] >> i am not a lincoln scholar, but i understood that lincoln's position, even up to the emancipation proclamation, was the preservation of the union. union, union, union. i will take the union with slavery, without slavery, or leave slavery where it is in the state. dismissyou dismiss -- is the wrong word -- but when you are interpreting the blind memorandum, you indicated that you you did not think that was a possibility that that could have happened, in terms of him, agreeing we would have a peace by excepting -- >> by rescinding the emancipation proclamation. one thing that i think that lincoln scholars in general discuss hisand lincoln's reputation as a world thinker. for many years, lincoln was in favor of the back to africa movement. for the first year of his presidency he put incredible political capital into trying to reimburse states, having the federal government purchase slaves and send them back to africa rather than have a war. it just did not work. and it just didn't work. and it just didn't work. he was getting pressure from your right from the beginning. the european emancipation particularly in england, why do , you not declare? slavery thing is wrong. it is immoral. he was slow to come to the table. i think that -- nowadays, when a politician changes his mind, it is called flip-flopping and seen as a bad thing. but for most of my history here, it seems to me, how can it be a bad thing for somebody's thinking to evolve? to have enough discussion, i not reading, to learn enough about it to change their mind? at what point does not become a bad thing? when the emancipation proclamation was issued, that was lincoln's line in the sand. he was not going to go back on it. foughtsomething he personally very hard to come to grips with, all of those things. and he was getting pressure on all sides to do all kinds of things. one thing you can look at and howl his first year is incredibly politically naïve he was. and what, located problems were being placed right on his doorstep. and he was having to deal with things from that magnitude. and he was having to deal with slosh intowould just his office and say, well, i would like to be postmaster. it was an interesting first year, and i think a formative first year for lincoln. i think that by that first year, he had realized that slavery simply had to go. how he was going to time things was a political decision by the -- but the moral decision was already made. >> we can ask when we take a break, too. we recently published an interview with gary gallagher. it talks about how lincoln could not have delivered his second inaugural address even a year earlier, it is the social and political environment had evolved -- because of the social and political environment had evolved. allowed lincoln to make that address when he did. when we talk about the change of warfare we talk about tactics and technology and strategy. social and political thinking also evolves over the course of a war. lincoln was able to do things he was not able to do early on in the war. this evolution was certainly a part of lincoln's mode of operation. meg, thank you very much for your comments today. [applause] >> the civil war air is here at 6 p.m. and tpm eastern time. to watch any of our civil war programs at any time go to www.c-span.org/history. you're watching american history tv. all weekend, every weekend on c-span 3. >> each week, we sit in on a lecture in history. classrobert wolf and his examine how the memory of these civil war has changed from its 50th and anniversaries to the 100 present. the class looks at how the memory of the civil war has largely focused on men's experience in battle, leaving slaves and women out of the story. at the sesquicentennial anniversary, the war is more nuanced but still debated. this class is about one hour and 10 minutes. >> ok. so in getting ready for this, i wanted to do like a little background work on the so-called semi-centennial of the civil war, which was of course 1911 to 1915. so-called semi-centennial of the civil war, which was of course 1911 to 1915. i found this quote. i'll tell you where it comes from in a little bit, but it seems to me to encapsulate the feeling of the early 20th century. the days of the civil war now belong to the historians, the poets, the writer of romance, and the fromtist. now i think you would add the re-enactor there, probably. but of course, this is a

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