phd from harvard university but also got his law degree from harvard. i will spare you any lawyer jokes. suffice it to say the thatgement of this program we even invite lawyers to participate. more important than professional credentials is expertise and all varieties of civil war monuments , african-american and confederate. and his discussion about the detail of this program aptly ultimateized the utility player, who can play any position on the field of civil war monuments. your program lists many book publications. including sites of confederate memory inside carolina. it's not a boom kamman, despite that his photograph, he has his hand on one of those cannons. his great contribution to our is a brief history with documents. share his white expertise on civil war monuments. for now his presentation is entitled the invention of the american soldier monument. dr. tom brown. [applause] >> thank you to everyone at the library of virginia and the now center for lesbian involved in this program. dedication orders like to declare the common soldier monument holds a tradition that dates back to antiquity, but --re were few in the europe a few in europe and the united monuments placed for soldiers that were buried or monuments put up by the institutions for which citizens went to war. precedents american -- and stalled the town green in the names of with local residents who died a quarter-century earlier in the opening engagement of the revolutionary war. almost four decades passes the town of concord placed a similar obelisk. the biblical allusions in that poem were described as a replacement for the rude arch, where once the embattled farmers stood and fire the shot heard round the world. so it is biblical illusions that illustrate a millennial promise the americans associated with revolutionary legacy. it is worth noting that emerson refers to this piece of embattled farmers, farmers, not soldiers, were the prototypical citizens of free post-revolution america, the chosen people of god if ever he had a famous -- a chosen people in jefferson's writings. even the most famous revolutionary war monument the trade a diffidence toward soldiers. the bunker hill monument, the granite shaft marks a place notable history. the obelisk did not single out for recognition of the men who had been buried there who had been buried in common trenches, as almost all common soldiers in all wars up to that point. the bunker till monument was also unsatisfactory to many aged survivors. they tended to see the project as a grandiose obfuscation with disregard to the ordinary folks who had filled the ranks. that sense of the monument as fundamentally hypocritical was central to herman melville's novel "israel potter," which he published in 1855, which he began with a satirical dedication to "to his highness, the bunker hill monument." the contrast illustrated the republican tradition of iconoclasm, though it is well summarized by a jeffersonian congressman who declared in 1800 that, since the invention of types, that is to say printing, monuments are good for nothing. republican iconoclasm went particularly to forms like the roman empire and triumphal arches, but it is also known for remembering citizen soldiers. mexican war, all of these created to an uptick in american monuments in the 1850's. but when lexington proposed the ambitious minuteman monument, a national leading magazines skeptically observed as the editor put it, the truth is the genius of our people does not incline them to monuments or commemorative statues. so in short, practices before the civil war did not preordain the commemorative response to the war. neither did that response stem directly from northern or southern experience in the war. there was wide latitude for experimentation, the thousands of built memorials separately negotiated in a highly decentralized process that constituted a series of debates over the meaning of the war and the future of the postwar nation. now historical firsts can often be misleading or unimportant, but the first monument placed in a civil war soldier cemetery, and the first monument dedicated by a community to its local data, both of which went up well before the war ended, outlined some of the key ways in which postwar monuments would relate to commemorative precedent and also to wartime experience. the person behind the first cemetery monument, august village, was thoroughly steeped in the most extensive mid 19th century system to common soldiers, whose german remembrance of the wars of liberation. trained at the military academy, he became a leader of anti-monarchical intellectuals in the prussian corps during his 19 year in the prussian army. he charged the crown had subverted the people's army that arose in resistance to napoleon. war memorials were an important example for the usually affirmed allegiance to the king rather than voluntarism. young radicals mocked and sometimes vandalized these monuments. villec, who edited a german socialist newspaper in miami after he emigrated there in the failed 1948 uprising, was extraordinarily well-prepared to command a german-speaking indiana regiment in the civil war, and this included a readiness to develop a different kind of war memorial after 13 men of his unit died in their first engagement in december 1861. the surviving members of the unit doug individual graves were their comrades, making an informal soldiers cemetery that anticipated one of the major cultural innovations of the civil war, the national military cemeteries established at gettysburg, pennsylvania, arlington, virginia, and about 70 other spots by 1871. a stonecutter in the 32nd indiana carved a limestone steal late to stand or the grave. its inscription declared in german that the men gave their lives for the free institutions of the republic. it listed not only the names, but the birth dates and birthplaces and birth dates of each followed soldier. in addition to acknowledging the importance of each individual, the monument serves as a resource for unit cohesion while in winter camp. on a cold sunday morning in february 1862, for example, he gathered his men around the monument and delivered a long lecture on the basis of socialism. now we probably should not exaggerate the foundations of civil war memory, but the pattern of soldiers morning comrades accounted for many of the early war memorials and had a huge impact on the civilian imagination as well. the first community monument resulted from the joint efforts of a minister and photographer whose studio in hartford, connecticut offered a tremendously popular new technology of remembrance for young men heading off to their possible deaths. shortly after they collaborated on a book that featured a paragraph of the last survivors of the revolution. that book is very much in the vein of melville's "israel potter" in stressing how america had ignored its revolutionary veterans. we might think the kensington obelisk as a miniature anti-bunker hill monument. it is a hometown task for the kensington dead. remember the bodies of the rank and file very rarely returned home. those innovative national military cemeteries eventually received at least three-fourths of all union dead who were buried in all sorts of improvisational ways during the war. an important audience for kensington's gesture in 1863 was potential volunteers. through the monument, the community promised volunteers remembering in death much as they promised support for their families. the monument was dedicated shortly after congress enacted the enrollment act of 1863, which put pressure on municipalities across the north to find more volunteers or else face a federal draft. the system of prodding localities was the basic process of federal recruitment in the late stages of the civil war, not genuine national conscription. of the more than 2 million men who served in the army, only about 50,000 were conscripts, on the order of 2%. that is because northern municipalities spent about $5 million in recruitment bonuses and other incentives. so only a few monuments were completed to encourage wartime in lisman as the kensington monument was. lots of monuments were essentially the cap stones for recruitment and results. these monuments mediated between personal local memories of individuals and reinforcement of public purposes and public powers. before we move from the wartime president -- precedents into the postwar era, i want to stress that the republican iconoclasm that we saw in american revolutionary times did not die in the civil war. the town of wayland, massachusetts reasserted the superiority of the printing press by listing the individual soldiers rather than a town monument. army as a body and of the men merely a soldiers was in exultation which has already in great part subsided." it followed that proliferation of soldier monuments would, again in howell's words, "misrepresent us in our age to prosperity." howell suggested that instead memorial fountains, chapels, libraries, school houses, town halls. a significant percentage of communities followed this line of thinking through the 1860's and 1970's in massachusetts, the state that took the early lead in commemoration of the war. these memorial halls situated soldiers' experiences and sacrifices within a broader field of education and civic action. the buildings to find local soldiers' virtue as a product of what they had learned in civilian institutions. much the same could be said for that memorial chapels, libraries, and classroom buildings donated by wesleyan and especially harvard after the war. the building of harvard memorial hall was an important moment in the postwar takeoff of universities. even more than public libraries, universities were institutions where the postwar north announced where it was heading, most notably in the state land-grant institutions established after the postwar memorial act and the postwar founding of cornell and johns hopkins as foundation for a new higher education curriculum. harvard memorial hall was a new model for a financial vision of higher education. the building was primarily a dining hall, large enough to accommodate fundraising dinners for the alumni who were playing an increasingly prominent role in university support. it previously received a good deal of state support. the architecture of memorial hall candidly declared an aim to emulate oxford and cambridge as a national university. at the same time, the decision not to build a monument, which was a very explicit decision after vigorous debate, expressed the sort of anti-military sentiment that howells had articulated. charles elliott thornton, a key figure in the project, maintained memorial hall should focus on the sacrificed life for a cause wholly disconnected with a warfare and above it. the dedication order was charles francis adams senior, president of the alumni society, and was also the minister in wartime to england. adams personified the diplomacy and arbitration that had avoided possible war between the united states and britain as an offshoot of the civil war. adams devoted his address to the irony that the university should consecrate such an elaborate war memorial when it did not include military instructions in its expanding curricular ambitions. the school's dead deserved honor, he said, not because its young men embarked in military enterprises. but because suppression of the southern rebellion had managed, in adams' words, the rule of law. that is to say it was a police action. a police action unlikely to require repetition. monuments multiplied much more rapidly than the alternatives for several reasons. memorial buildings were far more expensive. moreover, proponents of monuments argued that the alternatives failed to function as cenotaph, substitute graves for bodies that did not come home, which were so numerous. then, too, a significant number of early northern monuments, and almost all of the southern ones like the famous hollywood pyramid for example, actually were burial sites. whether grave markers or not, the value of the monument in sustaining ceremonial practices was particularly important because the aftermath of the war gave rise to a remarkable national ritual, memorial day, -- i should say cross-sectional, a ritual celebrated around the country, not as a single nation. it was centered on the decoration of soldiers' graves and specific monuments that often stood in for soldiers' graves. memorial day, the military cemetery, and the soldier monuments were linked, building on the sensational enthusiasm for rural cemeteries and had been unleashed in boston in 1831 and, as illustrated here in richmond, by the opening of hollywood cemetery in 1849. like the decision whether to build a memorial hall or a monument, the determination of a specific monumental form, once the decision was made to go with the monument, was highly decentralized into hundreds of local cases, thousands of local cases, most of which involved negotiation among different interested groups. the listing of fallen soldiers'names was so essential that in many committees not considered necessary. municipalities routinely inscribed the names of fallen on memorials of all kinds. there was a book that distinguished the dead from the survivors with unusual candor when it indicated in 1873 dedication speech that he was glad to recall the scene of soldiers returning home, but that only the names of the dead were written on the tablet at andover memorial library because, these are his words, "it was themselves they consecrated, and a man is always more precious than his work." the memorial is not so much a reminder of service as it was of loss. the designs -- sorry. the designs of early soldier statues also tended to come down more on the side of intimate relationships rather than national citizenship. again, the first one turns out to be revealing mostly because it was not popular enough to attract imitation. the statue that the sculptor randolph rogers made in italy for spring grove cemetery in cincinnati failed to appreciate that northerners regarded themselves as a peaceable people drawn into a defensive war, rather than warriors advancing with rifles raised and bayonets fixed. the patriotic ex-pat rogers also did not comprehend the desperation with which americans feared disposable anonymity as a soldier of the line, the title of this work, in the immense and profoundly impersonal army. much more popular were the antitheses to rogers' work. james madison and martin gilmore produced these after the war. these were not aggressive or even alert figures. they were clearly contemplative, head tilted sharply downward. mid-19th century american sculpture was tenaciously meritor -- narrative, and one visitor to millman studio published the presumably authorized report that the artist to pick did the soldier "after the din of battle, fatigue, dejected. wandering alone, he comes upon new made graves of his fallen comrades, and there he stops a moment to muse." many similar works appeared in the 1860's and early 1870's. these monuments seized on a motif with a strong currency during and shortly after the war. winslow homer shows that one of his major paintings of the war, walt whitman chose it for one of his major poems of the war in which the speaker happens across the hasty tree side grave of an unknown soldier inscribed "bold, cautious, true, and my loving comrade." like that epitaph, the image of the soldier as mourner directed attention to the politics of what whitman called the personal and passionate attachment of man to man. alternatively you might think of images like homer's picture here with a soldier at a perhaps anonymous grave as a variation on the great renaissance theme of death is present even in arcadia. in the upside-down arcadia where death was ubiquitous, the arcadia of the american landscape. whether the contemplative soldier was mourning or meditating, whether he knew the dead or not, his presence inverted the convention that women were the caretakers of the dead and offered reassurance that the community response was spontaneous rather than conventional. early soldier statues also corresponded with other cultural narratives of civil war death. picket duty was popular because songs like "all quiet on the tonight" made the picket guarding his fallen comrades a popular figure. the overnight picket would be the isolated individual, quite possibly lost in thought about his family back home and especially nonaggressive and vulnerable to unseen attack. the picket guarding sleeping comrades also regarded these statues with a text monuments tried to realize in three dimensions. theodore o'hara's poem of 1850 "bivouac of the dead." dedication ceremonies routinely featured recitation of the opening lines. the muffled drums have rolled their beat the soldiers' last tattoo now more on life's parade shall meet the following few on graves internal camping ground, their lives are spread, and glory guards with solemn round the bivouac of the dead. the army ordered tablets with these last lines for display in national military ceremonies, the trustees of antietam national cemetery asked james patterson to make a colossal statue of a soldier standing guard over the remains of the loyal dead. these versions of what alice haas has called "the sentimental soldier" extended wartime tensions between the national mobilization and the popular insistence on dynamic relationships. it was the dynamic that applies to the north and the south, both of which are going with national mobilizations. both of which have these tensions with the supremacy of private relationships. well, the seventh regiment memorial in central park builds on the motif of mourning comrades and picket guard, but were shuttered a different approach to soldier monuments. the new york seventh was not a component of the union army. except for a high-profile time in 1861 and scattered phases afterward, it was a state militia unit that established itself long before the war as one of the most prominent social organizations of the manhattan elite. during the war, it became a fee bed for officers and volunteers, an organization that was comprised of the union forces, much more larger than the administratively separate union army. supporters of the seventh believed that its wartime record had permanently refuted the quite common antebellum charges that it was a home of elite dandyism and political irresponsibly. jq board and richard hudson memorial for the new york seventh were important because they figured prominently over the debate for central park. public parks, and especially central parks, were model institutions of the postwar nation like the university. as harvard memorial hall linked class privilege to the postwar education of higher education, the seventh regiment memorial resonated social entitlement justified by martial virtues. observers stressed that war depicted what one critic called "the ideal citizen shoulder, the man of culture, refinement, and social position" rather than the urban poor who had comprised the bulk of the regular army before, during, and after the war. the superintendent of the parks department noted dedication that the young men of the seventh personified what he called "the heroic manhood that can one day build cities or railways or lighten the seas with sails." military discipline modeled the social order that was preferred by privileged men who expected to hold positions of command. the statue that ward exhibited in his studio in 1869 was the first to be widely publicized as a soldier posed in the military stance known as parade rest. it was praised for its alert and active expression rather than any sensitive remembrance of dead comrades or fond reflections of family at home. remarkably the memorial failed to list the names of the men who died in the civil war. at the dedication ceremony, explicitly honored the survivors of the war. the centennial of the american revolution showed how civil war monuments were reshaping the antebellum inheritance. remembrance of a political revolution it criticized by the central commemorative institution of the antebellum republic, the fourth of july, was given way to an emphasis on the war for independence. supplementation of the 1836 concord obelisk with the minuteman statue is a good example. the french studied us briefly for the war, and they shared a sense of the sentimentality associated with soldiers and anguished meditation. both sculptors wanted to highlight instead the confident readiness of the volunteer. french had a lot more latitude to represent energetic action than ward did. civil war veterans were a much discussed social problem, frequently associated with psychological trauma, alienation, alcoholism, and crime. they were the figure of the tramp. the scope for celebrating martial vigor expanded. the relationship between emphasizing social discipline on the one hand and emphasizing an assertive masculine force on the other hand became the key duality in later civil war monuments, replacing the earlier tension between public and private attachments. one of the main ways to distinguish between early and later monuments is the way they treated veterans. in the 1880's, monuments began to outnumber those who died in the war and the same change took place in the south later. also in the 1880's, community monuments began to list the names of everyone read served in the war. cuyahoga county carved the names of 9000 soldiers from the county on the wall of this monument. these changes and dedications and a list of names are examples of ways in which veteranhood was coalescing as a category. the most dominant example will be the expansion of federal pensions and veterans homes, the precursor of the veterans administration, beyond service related disability, which was the wartime basis for pensions and veterans homes, to become entitlements to all veterans. in the world of monuments, a big example would be the establishment of national battlefield parks. in the community monuments i have been describing, veterans negotiated with a variety of other interested groups. veterans completely dominated monument building at several battlefield parks. funding for those monuments mostly came from state federations which were rarely a factor in community commemorations. the creation of veteran hood as a form of citizenship intersected with the disciplinary goals of later civil war monuments and the emphasis on flags. the distinct flag culture largely begins with the american civil war, francis scott key notwithstanding. before then, before the civil war, the flag was displayed almost exclusively at military garrisons. the demand for flags, the market demand for flags was not even sufficient to prompt commercial production of flags until the 1840's. in the civil war however, northerners began to display the flag at municipal buildings and theaters and homes and churches and all sorts of civilian structures. even more important, both sides associated flags with dramatic death narratives. the union or the confederate standardbearer was the sentimental icon, somewhat like the picket guard, isolated from the impersonal army. if the war established the flag as an inspirational icon in the 1850's, union soldiers established it as a disciplinary instrument in the early 1880's and 1890's. veterans staged an intensive campaign to display the flag at school houses which culminated in the riding of the pledge of allegiance right around the same time that a veterans group introduced the practice of standing for the playing of the star-spangled banner. union and confederate monuments reinforced this new flag culture. only one monument was unveiled before 1880 that showed a soldier with a flag, and there were a few more during the 1890's. in the three decades after 1890, almost 100 communities showed monuments of this form. in addition to discipline, it also contributed to a new era of masculine assertiveness. complaints began to mount in the late 1880's and early 1890's against the stillness of the parade rest pose. veterans particularly disliked the portrayal of opacity, and soldiers at the battlefield park were almost always acting figures. similar values reached into communities. the result was an increase in monuments that depicted soldiers waving flags, marching, or engaged in combat. randolph rolled her -- roger's monument was depicting a soldier with the stock of his rifle off the ground. more than 75 sitting figure monuments featured such approach. -- 80's the emphasis on action also encouraged multiple figure compositions that attracted substantial municipal expenditures. this was the start of iconographic of element that would continue after world war i and culminate during and after world war ii in the photograph of the iwo jima flag raising and the marine corps and memorial based on it. one critic praised the work as a virile example of the newer race of soldier monuments. these words, virile and raise were indicative. where our brooding soldiers of the earlier period suggested a difference, there was a gender divide implied by these social darwinism of the time. the north carolina monument for women is one of several that are essentially monuments to maternity. this monument is contemporary with the establishment of mother's day, which has several sources, but largely expressed anti-feminism and white protestant anxieties about families within the tide of southern and eastern european immigration. the monument does not describe what women did during the war. its heroine is a mother, even a grandmother, and the contribution honored here is the eternal appreciation of memory. it shows her telling the story of the boy's grandfather who we know from the side panels in the war. the significance of the civil war soldier statue as a racial model goes well back before the spread of social darwinism. a journalist regretted that randolph rogers had chosen a kilt for the cincinnati sentinel. when critics praised jqa ward for fashioning "a national head, a true american face" in his seventh regiment memorial, famous that it was not the face of an immigrant. the impurity intensified. the italian immigrant who sculpted the union soldier for the allentown, pennsylvania monument dedicated in 1888 initially chose as his model a handsome young italian man, but on receiving objections which was described as "a typical american boy, of the kind who may be fiercest fighters during the civil war." citizens of elbert county, georgia conducted a mock lynching of a memorial statue they deemed too german looking. they buried him facedown in dishonor. the confederate monument at arlington national cemetery is a highly gendered and racialized statue of household leavetaking in the formation of the southern army. most of the war units grew out of communities, and the departure motif, which was a, motif, offered sculptors and opportunity to celebrate a romantic ideal of organic citizenship. some models challenged the soldier statue as a model of organic citizenship and white citizenship. most important was augustus in austin, which recalled the most amos black unit of the war. in the confederate monument at arlington typifies the romantic ideal of the nation as an organic entity, a racial entity, but the shaw memorial is in a lightman ideal of a contractual citizenship than anyone could enter into. the 54th was not a community unit. the soldiers came from north to south. and in this composition, the republican inheritance, william james's dedication confronted the social darwinism that had recently become so influential. co-opting eugenic reasoning, he argued that centuries of peaceful history could not breed the battle out of us, and our tenacity is given reinforcement by reflection. he argued the gregarious courage that shaw demonstrated in initially leaving for the war less praiseworthy than the lonely kind of courage that shaw had demonstrated with the important step to racial equality. despite professor james's arguments, elite schools were necessary to conjunction of social hierarchy rather than the civic virtue and egalitarianism. the elite school was the social milieu where roosevelt formed life. the intersection of class and combat shaped and new round of college civil war monuments very different from the early memorial halls at harvard, or the sentimental soldier statue dedicated around the same time at williams. let's look at one northern and one southern example. i campaign launched at yale in 1869 culminated six years later in the dedication of a memorial and intermingled union and confederate soldiers. the point was that yale men were fighting men, and they were poised to reproduce. [laughter] dr. brown: only the dead are listed, but they are proxies for all who served. not coincidentally, the president of yale was the leader of the college presidents for training. college presidents were important to this initiative because yale did not advocate strenuous military training in response to army manpower needs, but as a form of discipline, a form of education. this is very different from the kind of cincinnatus consideration that we saw in daniel chester french's minutemen statue where the heroic knowing tear carried his virtue with them the farm. wood's argument and the argument of the yale memorial is military service was a source of virtue, not unlike collegiate athletics which had recently became so will which had recently became so popular. we might make a similar point about a soldier monument that caused a good deal of controversy, the so-called silent sam monument at the university of north carolina. the plan was to have this ready for the 1911 commencement which would coincide with the 50th anniversary of the war. the university would award degrees to those students who entered the university from the confederate army and never graduated. the industrialist julian carr was a key figure in the commissioning of silent sam. he left unc toward the end of his sophomore year for the war. he enrolled after the war, but stayed only a short time before he left to go into business. carr is a great example of the intersection of industrialization and civil war commemoration and specifically the conflation of the so-called "captain of industry" -- that was a new term at the time,captain of industry -- with military command. actually he was a private for his brief service in the confederate army, but his high profile in business lifted him to the rank of major general in the united confederate veterans, and people routinely called him general carr. [laughter] dr. brown: although the plan to identify the statue at commencement did not come off because the monument fell behind schedule, they situated the monument in a new academic deference to the educational experience of warfare. the monument was emphatically not focused solely on those who died. it was at least as interested in those who survived. the monument does not celebrate the universities nurturing powers. it talked about what men learned by leaving school. the active figure, rifle up, finger on the trigger, eyes wide open, cautiously stepping forward into danger, tells us that soldiers learned about the strenuous life. the inscription taken from the canonical and spurious robert e. lee quotation tells us that they learned the lesson from their great commander, duty is the sublimest word in the language. this education was different from what the university provided. the young dandy there with a book open on the floor and another in his book is a callow youth. to become a man, to get what was necessary to strengthen the race, he had to heed the call of carolina with her big sword and thin robe and go off to experience war. this message resonated with the evolutionary ideology that was shaping university life during the time. among the races of men there was endless conflict for dominion. the victory is ever to be strong. the object of education was to prevent the degeneration of the white race and improve on its superiority. silent sam extends beyond the as confederate racism of the 1860's and shares in the social darwinism we saw in the yale memorial. as both memorials are also great examples of the shifting in american thinking about the military. during the civil war, there was certainly a lot of social pressure for young men to enlist, but it was all about mediating between public and private obligations. nobody said that military service was going to make you a better person. the people thought the army was assessed will of whoring and drinking. by the 19th century, military service generated more authority. the monument here is a good example of the changing image of the soldier. the artillery is canon tapper rests in the ground, but he steps forward confidently on the simulated rock bass. his tightly fitted jacket shows off his physique. the sculptor, caspar buberl, who did a lot of work in the 1880's and 1890's, was an important figure in developing the active figure style and adapting it to city settings, which he has done here. the dedication order, lee robinson, who had left the university of virginia to enlist in the virginia army, recalled the howitzers as the best of all academies because he had learned what he called "the lesson of courage in daily jeopardy, the patients under privation and strain." this monument is a martial claim to class entitlement that fits will into the arc i have sketched in the seventh regiment memorial park to the memorials at yale and chapel hill. this reimagining of soldiers had real implications beyond the expansion of military expansions i have mentioned. alexis de tocqueville had written in the 1830's in democracy in america that "the notions and habits of the people of the united states are so opposed to compulsory military recruiting that i do not think it can ever be sanctioned by the laws." the civil war proved that he was right. even a readily avoidable northern draft touched off an unprecedented protest. but the new ideal of discipline figures, the understanding of military service as a valuable form of education, and the dedication of veteranhood as the highest form of citizenship made it relatively easy to develop a selective service system that was far more rigorous than northerners or southerners would will have accepted during the civil war, even though the popular sense of national emergency was much more acute in the 1860's than in 1917. the turn of the century imagining of the soldier held legitimate full-blown draft in the united states. it is an inspirational work that paralleled the elimination of the draft and did so much to stimulate memorialization in our time, the vietnam veterans memorial. very name of the vietnam veterans memorial recalls the civilian prerogatives of veterans in the 1880's as it did the widespread view that it provides a healing space. but lin's determination to create what she called a place of personal reflection and private reckoning stressed intimate ties rather than civic relations and focused on loss, rather than service. like the british monuments of world war i that influenced lin, more deeply than the yale one or the civil war one, the vietnam war memorial is bound up with the memories of the war that it recalls. it would be unthinkable to add names of soldiers from another conflict, which is exactly what happened to so many civil war monuments, including the yale memorial. because the memorial honored military service regardless of the cause for which it was rendered, it lends itself to the inclusion of participants in earlier and subsequent wars, including the united states' imperial adventures in mexico, and cuba, and the philippines. it became the basis for a much broader militarization of american culture. this important transformation owed less to the experience of to the civil war then to the commemoration of the civil war and particularly to the models of american society debated through soldier monuments. thank you. [applause] dr. brown: sorry. i overran my time a little bit. but i guess we have time for a couple questions. yes, sir. will you please stand for the microphone? >> if you were to build a monument today for the civil war, what would you design in it? dr. brown: i am a historian rather than an artist -- [laughter] dr. brown: and i write books about the civil war. i guess if i were going to design a monument to be civil war, it would be a book. [laughter] [applause] >> of the ones that you have done a lot of research on, what did you find to be the most creative? dr. brown: pardon me, the monuments? >> yeah. what did you find to be the most creative? dr. brown: it's hard to argue with the shaw memorial as a great work of art. but i will say, there are a number of them that are notable. i think it is amazing how much there is to learn about the lincoln memorial, as common as it is as an artifact of our landscape. it's an amazing building. >> ok. dr. brown: thank you. 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