David cortright eight, who is Professor Emeritus at the university of notre dame and the former director of policy studies at the Kroc Institute for International Peace studies. Hes the author of many books, including peace works the citizens role in ending the cold war peace a history of movements and ideas and as the springboard for this session, a peaceful superpower. Lessons from the Worlds LargestAntiwar Movement, which was just published this year on the 20th anniversary. More or less of the start of the u. S. War in iraq and i think all of you who registered in advance for the conference received a pdf of that of that book. From 1978 to 1988. David was the executive director of sane first and then sane freeze after. The two organizations merged. He was an antivietnam war activist as an an enlisted soldier, and he was later in 2000 to a founder of win without war, which he discusses in the in the book a peaceful superpower. We will next go to my right, carolyn, rusty isenberg, who is professor of history at hofstra university. She just published this year fire and rain, nixon, kissinger and the wars in southeast asia. Her first book drawing the line the american decision to divide germany. 1944 to 1949 won the banat prize from the society for historians of American Foreign relations, an activist as well as a historian. Rusty was a cofounder of brooklyn for peace, which is where i first met her in the early 1990s, when it was called brooklyn parents for peace. She was legislative coordinator for united for peace and justice during the iraq war and a of the Steering Committee of historians against the war. Third, we have the honor of being joined from london on zoom. Were being honored by joint, being joined by kate hudson, who is who has been the general secretary of the campaign for nuclear disarmament, cnd, since 2010. And she served earlier as chair of cnd since 2003. Kate became active in the Peace Movement in the 1980s in the upsurge against placement of cruise missiles in britain. And she is especially proud of helping to quote the base at Greenham Common in 1982, along with 30,000. She says other women, her cnd and other antiwar work has led to much international cooperation. As you can imagine. Shes also a historian by profession. She was the head of social and policy studies at Londons Southbank university, and she is the author of several books, including the new european left a socialism the 21st century i believe theres a question mark there. And cnd at 60, britains most enduring mass. Last but not least, we are joined by Jonathan Hutto senior, who is an a. P. Russian organizer who, embraced his activist, calling as an undergraduate at Howard University city in the late 1990s. In 2006, as enlisted member of the u. S. Navy, jonathan cofounded the appeal for peace. The im sorry cofounded, the appeal for redress from the iraq war through which almost 3000 active Duty National guard and reserve personnel wrote to congress, calling for an end to the wars and occupations in and out of iraq and afghanistan. The appeal received wide media coverage, including being featured on 60 minutes, and it was awarded the letelier, moffitt human rights award from the institute for policy studies in 2007, that same year. Jonathan received the social courage award from the peace and justice studies the peace and justice studies association. Jonathan is the author of antiwar soldier right there, how to dissent within the ranks of the military, which was published in 2008 and for which David Cortright wrote the introduction. And jonathan also wrote a chapter in the important. 2022 collection paths of descent. Soldiers speak out against americans. Im sorry, america is misguided wars. So very distinguished panel to talk about the movement against the war in iraq. We will start with David Cortright. Well, thank you for that very kind introduction. And thank you all. Its rarely been more difficult to talk about peace history right at a time with two major wars raging, great risk of escalation of those wars and dozens of other Armed Conflicts around the world. And we think especially about the wars now in gaza and and ukraine. But i think precisely because of that, its all the more urgent and necessary that we talk about peace, history. And very appropriate. I think, to discuss this book and the history of the iraq Antiwar Movement, the debate about the iraq war. And as i do that, id like to say a few words about its relevance to the armed conflict. Now, in gaza and in ukraine. It was interesting the other day when President Biden was in jerusalem, in israel, and he he warned the israeli leaders not to make the mistakes that we did in the United States, in the aftermath of 911. And we remember that period. Fear and anger and a vengeful mood in the public. And too quickly, our country went to war. And its interesting to remember that the Antiwar Movement arose at precisely that moment when a whole number of groups together began to call for a just and peaceful response to the 911 attacks and, warned that war is not answer, that war creates more terrorism, not less, that we have to address the underlying conditions that give rise to this kind of violent extremism. And we talked in that movement and throughout the whole effort to try to stop the invasion about the viable alternatives that exist. At that time, there were u. N. Inspections were resuming in iraq. Get the inspectors more time to work. Work with the United Nations address. Some of the problems that cause communities to rise up in violence with this kind of extremism activity. So we really tried to from the very beginning point to the evidence and to show that from what we know in other cases, historically terrorism does not end through war. It actually increases. It takes a political settlement. It takes good policing. It takes Good Governance and the communities that are affected. But war is not the answer. We also at time talked about the human cost. Inevitably, more people would die. We could never bring back the 3000 americans who died. Now or we cant bring back the more than 1300 israelis who were massacred in that brutal atrocity by hamas. More war will only add to the death toll. And of course, we saw that in iraq, not just with the 45 american troops who died, but we seldom think about and during the 20th anniversary occasion of the war, very few people mentioned that the best science will tell us that at least 400,000, maybe 500,000 iraqis died from the time when we started this war until we left in 2011. This is the cost of war. And were seeing it rise daily in gaza and in ukraine. And its such an important motivation for us to constantly that. I want to say a word about the international dimension, the transnational nature of this movement and of the movement today. Now, to try to respond to the war in gaza. Kate can say more about it, but its really important to recognize that we were not only mobilizing here, but all over the world. And as we know, february 15, 23, the largest single day of antiwar protest in history, more than 10 Million People around the world protested. And people will say, well, what good reason . They went ahead with the invasion a month later. But if you look at what happened politically in many other countries, the fact that germany never joined the socalled coalition. Turkey refused to join that. Canada refused to join. Thats pain went along for a while. But then a new government came in less than a year later and they left as well. And the socalled coalition of the willing was a threadbare, ineffective arrangement that had no real contribution to the war. There was an International Movement which had a real impact, and this was, i think, evident in the debate at the United Nations right before the war. And you recall that in november of oh two, the u. N. Security Council Adopted this resolution 1411, which authorized the renewal of the inspections and the u. S. And the u. K. Tried to include in that resolution language, calling for, quote, all necessary means for the use of force if the sanctions werent effective. The states in the Security Council refused to accept that. And so when the resolution was adopted was no reference, no authority for any use of force. Blair and bush came back in early oh three to try to get a resolution specifically for that. They brought it to the Security Council. They were turned that they were turned down. And that, in my view, was part of a process of synergy between the Antiwar Movements all around the world and the diplomats and delegates to the United Nations in the corridors at the United Nations. Because we as a movement argued we cant use force without the authority of the u. N. Security council. The Security Council had backup then by the movement. And in his memoirs, bush talks about how he he called governments to try to get them to support the resolution. And they wouldnt do it even long standing American Allies would not support this resolution because their own publics were demanding not to join the war. Percent or more in mexico and other such countries. So there was, i think, a really unique example of Civil Society mobilize to give some backbone to the delegates at the United Nations who turned down the authority for the u. S. And you recall that the Bush Administration said, well, you view the Security Council has not fulfilled its mission, but i would say it fulfilled a beautifully. And it was really one of the great moments for the United Nations to say no to its most powerful member state. And probably the first time when the u. N. Really tried to push for something that it could not get its way. So i think theres something really valuable that can help us in thinking about where we go today and how to build a more internationalized Transnational Movement to try to stop these wars in ukraine and gaza and in other places, to try to restore and build the authority of the United Nations. I dont have the answers exactly. I hope we can in discussion here, begin to develop some ideas. But i think one thing certainly is to work with other nations to work with other international organizations. When we think about gaza theres a clear consensus emerging, there has to be a cease fire. We have to stop the killing now and then begin to get some kind of International Process going to build a genuine Peace Process in palestine, israel. I would say to bring to justice those in hamas who authorized and carried out this monumental atrocity against israeli civilians and israeli leaders who are responsible for these policies of killing of civilians that are going on. So we can look at that and we can look at the ways in which the United States can use its clout both in israel, but also in ukraine, to push for a Peace Process. We say, well, its all its up to the israelis, its up to the ukrainians. Yeah, ultimately it is. But we have an interest in seeing a negotiated settlement. And the United States, i think, should take more proactive stance and then recognize that if there is a Peace Process, if there is a cease fire, thats not enough. Its its only the beginning. There needs to be international monetary. There needs to be international authority. The United Nations has to be involved. And nations together can work to try to police a Peace Process in these places. So with those few thoughts and but just to say that i think that that history from iraq remains important and that we can apply it now to try to end these terrible conflicts that were facing today. Okay. Thank you, david. Well move to carolyn eisenberg. Okay. Its working. Yes. Okay. So in my remarks this afternoon, im going to do to think that ive managed to avoid for the last 60 years, which is one giving a talk where i dont have it written out in advance. And also, i want to speak my personal plea. And so then i say, well, okay, why dont i have a talk here, spend good time . Why do i not have a prepared talk . And if i was my students, my students always are like not having what they need because theyre driving their grandmother to the hospital. But i cant claim that im driving my grandmother to and my dog did not eat my homework or anything. But i actually want to say part of why im coming and prepare. First of all, i teach the history of American Foreign policy, which means i get to talk about these things as my job all the time. So yesterday afternoon, i was, you know, was a teaching day. And i have two different seminars and i had asked my students, you know, what . Whats going on in the middle east . And both of these classes, its a long silence. And then everybody says about how israel is horribly attacked. And then i said, well, okay, whats happening in gaza . Silence. And then i said, what about the siege . Silence. And so forth and so on. And, you know, so obviously the things im going to do about them just going to say stay silent. But i think its very significant and then i suggested to members of my colleagues that given the fact that situation in gaza is so grave, maybe they would like to bring this up in their classes. And theres great reluctance to do it. And also suggested to colleagues that maybe we could write a statement. Great reluctance to do it. So that was like the first part of my day. The second part of my day, i finally got home and i wasnt on the phone in meetings about what to do about that. And whats happening in the middle east. And everybodys arguing with each and people are really mad at each other. And these are very Difficult Conversations to have right now, because theyre great disagreeing about how we talk how does a Peace Movement talk about whats happening in the middle east . What language do we use, what grievances do we emphasize . And some people may think that thats, you know, easy. But im not noticing that its easy. I think people really struggling in the Peace Movement to find footing that really is good footing. So that is actually why im not prepared being in those conversations. And i suspect, frankly, that as several of you in this room who are also being involved in those processes, in those discussions, but i wanted to say that im going to now go back to topic was iraq and. In 2001, when the attack came on 911, i was actually on a fellowship to write my book, fire and rain nixon, kissinger and the wars and southeast asian. I was actually at nyu with the fellowship and john prados, whos an expert on these things, and were sitting there. So i was doing research on my book, but also then you know, the war in afghanistan and, then what was happening in iraq. So i didnt really think it was reasonable that i would just sit in this office, you know, just keep doing my research because there was a lot of work to be done. But what i would say im going to just clarify that a little bit is, that in many ways. So first, it took me 20 years to write this book, but thats partly because of all the antiwar things that needed to get done. But i would also say that what i learned about the Nixon Administration and actually did inform some of my role in the what to do about iraq and being i was on the Steering Committee for u of p. J. And as robert said, i was a legislative coordinator with gail murphy from code pink. Well, what im saying is, in my brain, these things were absolutely, you know, sort of in and out together. So what did i learn from my research and how would that apply . And people should know that even though you think that every single thing it needed be know about Richard Nixon and kissinger known 25 years ago its not true, you know, because there are pretty good so many bad things seen what you couldnt even begin. But in addition to that, you know, there was thousands and thousands of pages that were getting declassify. So from 2001 to this morning, they still havent fully declassified it all their deeds. But from that declassified record, one of the things that i got to see was what was the impact of the Antiwar Movement right on on administer and policy, because you couldnt really know that back. I mean, you certainly had hints about it and but i would say, speaking for myself and every friend i had, we all felt was working. Now that we felt like were, you know, were at demonstration or were doing that or we get arrested or whatever we do, you know . And people were like totally grim and nothing and were doing is making any difference. And so one of the things that was really surprising to me when i was starting to go through these records is that i think we made a lot more of a difference than we ever thought.