loss of land which limited opportunities for the unemployed. the kansas city library hosted this hour-long event. >> good evening, ladies and gentlemen. i'm the director of the library. it is a pleasure to welcome you here on the 125th anniversary of the birth of eisenhower. this program is part of an ongoing series about president eisenhower, and we look forward to doing more. the associate director you'll hear from in a moment. this series is sponsored by the wt kemper foundation at commerce bank. and was the idea of my cousin. julie, you can tell from her last name, married a frenchman. as a german family, this was difficult to take. but she is here tonight. we have welcomed her back into the family after that. tonight, you will hear from tim reeves, the director of the eisenhower library about dwight eisenhower and the frontier. as he will point out, dwight eisenhower was born in 1891. when frederick jackson turner said in his famous thesis, essay. he said the frontier closed. therefore, america changed because the frontier had made america. he talked about the west. the west, of course is where the frontier was. i want to say tonight this is really about the midwest. frederick jackson was from wisconsin in the midwest. our first version of the frontier thesis was downgraded was dumbraided in kansas city by a man who worked with thomas hart benton, who himself invented the thesis of manifest destiny. he was when the leaders of kansas city, one of the people one of the people who helped create the move to put the bridge over the missouri river which created kansas city. he also helped found oregon. he took the oregon trail and was the first governor appointed by lincoln of colorado. but he wrote books about this thesis. westward, the path of empire. in his thesis he said there is a temperate zone of the world and empire is moving constantly from the east to the west. from china to the european countries to america, and eventually will stop. his thesis was that it will stop in centropolis. his view was that it was actually right here in sugarcreek. that civilization would basically headquarter itself for all time in sugarcreek. but he missed it by a few miles. it is right here in kansas city, but he was close. and we know this because if you think about the american century, which we hope will go on to the american millennium, there are certain presidents of the united states responsible for that. of course, harry truman, born in independence. dwight eisenhower. he grew up in abilene kansas. ronald reagan, dixon, illinois. the dark suburbs of the midwest in arkansas, bill clinton. barack obama, we frequently talk about hawaii, we talk indonesia, a lot of kenya. a lot of places, but let's face it, he grew up in kansas. if you think about that and triangulate all of that, basically you triangulate all those presidents who had been important to create in the american century, basically it is right here. so it is really a midwestern thesis. the frontier stopped right here. i was looking for evidence of this thesis in eisenhower's diaries and i could not find it. i did find this. the great line in the frontier thesis is that the expansion of the frontier leads to the growth of independence in america. and independence of american character. i did find this in the eisenhower diaries. during world war ii, he is beginning to plan for the invasion for american troops going to the middle east and europe. his father dies. he was buried today, it says. he was a just man, well educated, a thinker. he was under monster to, quiet. he was uncomplaining in the face of adversity. his finest monument was his reputation. his sterling insistence on the immediate payment of all debt earned for him a reputation that profited all of us boys. because of it, all central kansas helped me secure an appointment to west point in 1911. i am proud that he was my father. it seems to me that lesson of dwight eisenhower on the kansas frontier is about character. tonight, we have a man of sterling character at the eisenhower library. it is surprising that tim is here tonight because, beside his archival activities, his writing about american history and teaching history lessons for historians, he is also known and has received awards for his involvement in baseball history. he is received awards for his society of baseball research. he has written a book on the kansas city monarchs. it is a little bit of a surprise that he is here tonight while the playoffs are going on. but anyway, tim reeves is a great historian and archivist. and a man of sterling character and it is an honor to have him here tonight. [applause] >> thank you, bradley. i want to thank the kemper foundation, the eisenhower foundation and the kansas city public library for coming up with this idea to commemorate the anniversary of the birth of dwight eisenhower. here we are at the end of that program trail. it is fitting that it takes us to the american frontier where this year marks not only the 125th birthday of eisenhower, it is also the year that the u.s. census bureau declared that the american frontier was close. in the event was actually related. eisenhower's understanding of the frontier demise shaped his ideas on the proper role of government as a result. the primary evidence for this claim is not found in the books that crosby mentioned a few years ago but rather at the library and easy him and letters between the former president of united states and five-star general, and a military comrade. ike and chin, as the men were known, met in panama during one of the most formative periods of eisenhower's life. he was assigned the infantry but grade -- brigade. graduate school, as i described -- graduate school, as ike described it, in "military affairs and the humanities." ike had really slackened under the rote memorization of west point memorization. discussing the finer points of these works with the general around campfires at night, as well as with fellow officers like bradford chenowith. he would march through a series of brilliant assignments with the secretary of war and the army chief of staff climaxing as the supreme allied commander allied expeditionary force in the second world war. in short this graduate school that ike went through in panama put him on his historic trajectory to the white house. a 1954 letter in his presidential term offered him a chance to relive the very fine and heated debates jihad shared some 30 years earlier. bradford g chenowith was a very intelligent if somewhat mercury -- somewhat precurial man who had spent most of the world war and a japanese prisoner of war camp after his request to continue to fight was denied. he left the army after the war where classroom encounters with liberal professors home to self described radical republican beliefs, which he now aimed at his old friend the president. he deviated from eisenhower's moderate policies. he still wanted to express his quote and admiration to stand up to pressures that would crush many men. ike acknowledged his note with a short one of his own. but on second thought decided to rekindle their conversation with a moderate rejoinder. eisenhower had promoted the middle way as he characterized his ideas on government. eisenhower, after leaving the white house would write an occasional article for readers digest magazine. in his last article was on the middle wave. his middle way speeches and articles consistently promoted a bright line between concentrations of unbridled private power on one side of the road and unlimited state power on the other. in fact, eisenhower viewed the long march of american history as they struggle to stay that middle course. abraham lincoln and theodore were men of the middle pointing to lincoln's homestead act ntr's corporate trust busting. to chenowith, ike explained how the constitution was nothing else so much as an effort to find a middle way between the political extremists of that time. on one side were the individualists and a degree of personal freedom at the other extreme or the great believers and centralized government. those who mistrusted the decisions reached by popular majorities. majorities. ike noted the same split in contemporary politics there were those who wanted the federal government to control every phase of our individual lives versus those who wanted to eliminate everything the federal government has ever done that qualifies as social advance. eisenhower's plan to expand social security to 10.5 million new workers was wending its way through congress. the issue was probably the impetus was probably -- the issue was probably the impetus for chenowith's spiny letter to his friend. ike moved to his defense. it seems to me, he said, no greater intelligence is required in order to discern the practical as a key -- necessity of establishing some kind of security in a specialized and highly industrialized age. at one time such security was provided by the existence of free land and a great mass of untouched and soluble natural resources. these are no longer to be had for the asking. ike's letters to chenowith make similar references he had made elsewhere but his defense of natural resources was something new. it revealed the middle way political debt to a string of political thought not constantly associated. the extinction of the frontier and the necessity for federal welfare programs. the census bureau's pronouncement of the frontier extension had gathered little notice outside specialist circles. offering a range of talks from popular uprisings in the middle ages, to early lead mining. preceded turner's own lecture on the history. although conference observers noted or reported little of his talks in the reviews at the time, his frontier thesis would dominate the interpretation of american history for more than a generation and continues to be a matter of debate for this day. his frontier thesis concluded, the existence of an area of free land, its continuous recession, and the advance of american settlement westward, explain american development. it accounted for a distinctive american society and quality that was democratically egalitarian and ruggedly individualistic, according to turner. the prevailing theory was the germ theory. that it had started in germany and migrated to north america. turner would have none of that. he said american democracy was a uniquely american development and was part of this frontier experience. free land was the most significant. so long as it exists, a livelihood exists and economic power secures political power. in other words, the closing of the frontier meant much more than the end of a major chapter in u.s. history. economic freedom, economic security and political freedoms must be built on a new foundation. it would be the state. that is the government. it really refers to the wide-ranging reform efforts at work in the late 19th and early 20th century. brought by industrialization, urbanization, and immigration through government action. that is a very simple fight version of progressivism. the closing -- simplified version of progressivism. the closing of the frontier signified the complexity of this new age. in 1910, turner reported how the president finds itself engaged in the task of readjusting the old ideals to new conditions and is turning increasingly to government to preserve traditional democracy. it is not surprising that socialism shows know where the cans as elections continue. the popular choice of senators, initiatives, referendums and recall is spreading. it exhibits these tendencies in the most market degree. their efforts to find substitutes for that former safeguard of democracy and disappearing free land. a relevant aside, a substitute for the disappearing free land by eisenhower's aside. david eisenhower who ran for school board on the socialist party ticket in 1903, losing badly. he won something like 27 votes that year. it tickles me when they refer to his conventional midwestern upbringing. his father was a socialist party candidate for local office and his mother was a very vocal pacifist. i don't think that is traditional republican by most definitions. an important coralary was the belief that this free land of the frontier would provide a safety valve of economic release, eastern factory workers and thrown from their jobs by recession or depression. it was created by the state, unemployed by the industrial economy. throughout the academic start in chicago, the frontier thesis had advanced through the early 20th century. the thesis won wide circulation by a combination of academic and popular hesitations by graduate students. he wrote encyclopedia entries, essays in popular magazines. turner was a very gifted speaker and went on an ambitious speaking tour. and the university of kansas. future president woodrow wilson who had been turner's fellow graduate student and also eagerly helped spread the idea. the frontier thesis was so widely known by the 1930's, which was a key time in eisenhower's life, that the first public bibliography, published in the early 1930's, since turner gave his famous talk in paper almost 100 books or articles had been written about that thesis. by 1985, the bibliography had grown to 250 pages. turner's fame grew so great that his thesis became so prevalent that like the words of sigmund freud, the significance of the frontier in american history wasn't read some much as it was held at cocktail parties. nowhere was the air thicker than among the early new deal. most importantly with professor turner harvard student. his september 23 address on popular or progressive government to the commonwealth club in san francisco. with the country deep in the great depression, roosevelt laid out his understanding of the nation's predicament, and its solution. a glance at the situation today, fdr said, inequality as we knew it no longer exists. the industrial plant is built. the last frontier has been reached and there is practically no more free land. there is no safety valve in the form of a western prairie. our task now is not discovery or exploitation of natural resources. it is the soberer, leicester -- less dramatic business of administering resources already at hand. the day of and lightened administration has come. the enlightened administration according to fdr would be the new deal. government reforms and programs that would transform the relationship between the citizen state and the state and the economy. the new deal is still with us. social security. tennessee valley authority. among many of the new deal's living legacies. the national recovery administration, or nra, was the most ambitious attempt at post frontier enlightenment. the nra was established to revitalize industry and trade, grow employment, and improve labor conditions with fair competition to govern industries and trades. or, the nra director's plainer words, the nra was a safety valve. this deserves a little more explanation. the new deal explains that the nra functioned and introduces an important second part. not only did the free land absorb redundant labor and new immigrants. it wouldn't -- provide what the former historian described as a natural adjustment to the competitive excesses and the masters of finance who roamed and exploited the west at will. the west is big enough to absorb it all. new settlers and enterprise. now that it is gone, a politically controlled adjustment must take place. he said, the politically controlled adjustment was the nra. in other words, the frontier had been a natural regulator of government and employment. now we need a man-made political regulator, hence the nra. conservatives, predominantly the republicans, rejected the nra, along with almost every new deal program. president hoover rejected the commonwealth speech as a philosophy of stagnation and despair. once out of office, he continued once out of office, he continued the battle. his criticism -- hoover and his fellow conservatives, believed the new deal concept of the frontier was too small. there was a whole new world waiting to be conquered. fast confidence of thought, research, industry, human relations. more full of comfort than the boundless west, hoover wrote in 1934, that they can be conquered and applied to human service with free enterprise. freemen pioneer and achieve in these regions. regimented men march restlessly without confidence and hope. that is where the argument act 20 years later by bradford chynoweth. he replied to the president's equivalent of free land with security, true, ike, the frontier closed the very year you and i were born. but free land it was never. the pioneer had to secure their land. the frontiers of life are infinite. we will never reach and it's what the new frontiers if we throttle industry and put a straitjacket on pioneer types. ike admitted he might have misused the word security. he explained, that land did not necessarily mean security of body, but it did constitute a reserve of hope. eisenhower said no political without political -- of their own, can suddenly find himself in a poverty system. it has crated social problems that cannot possibly be met -- it has created social problems that cannot possibly be met. as circumstances change, so must any government if it is to prove durable. chenoweth agree that it is created social problems that need a new approach, but why jump to the extreme new deal of view that the only way to find new approach is from the government? the elephant in the room, or perhaps the donkey, that is his predilection to new deal social problems -- programs was finally being maimed. chynoweth against eisenhower was representative of the split that has divided the gop up until today. eisenhower would most likely be considered a rino by most conservatives today. the new deal charges also expressed their disappointment when they realized the first republican president elected in 20 years would not roll back the new deal. the degree to which eisenhower accepted the programs, and his reason for doing so, have occupied historians and biographers since the late 1940's. the consensus is that eisenhower embraced the reforms as a political necessity. the new deal had one broad acceptance of the american public. as ike said in a well-known letter to his conservative brother edgar, who had also accused him of selling out to the new deal, should any political party attempt to abolish social security, unemployment security, and eliminate labor laws, you would not hear of that party again in our political history. there is a tiny splinter group that believes you can do these things, but their number is negligible, and they are stupid. [laughter] others say he maintained the new deal program as a way to reflect more expensive legislation by liberal democrats. ike's middle way philosophy rejected the paternalism and inherent spending of the welfare state. his occasional strident warnings against socialism feed the conservative narrative. what both the realist and the expedient arguments lack is the frontier factor. president eisenhower leaved and a floor over the pit of personal there, the mid-level officer during the eventful first 100 days of the roosevelt administration when so much of this new deal legislation was passed. i was a close observer of the washington scene and recorded the events of the day in his upry and the personalities close. interior andthe the nra director all wrote books touting the new deal as the solution to the loss. you can see their title pages on the screen. these men frequently invoked the frontiers closure in articles and speeches. and although ike doesn't directly invoke the vanished frontier rationale, the new deal , he is most admiring in his praise of the new deals grandest post-frontier scheme and its director. he seems to be a diamond in the rough, he confided to his journal. he believed that, "the announced objective is most desirable." his respect for johnson and grew even greater over the next six months. he wrote in november of 1933 in his diary, "the nra is making progress more in line with any other new deal program. it is establishing industrial codes, and johnson has a ready tongue and imagination. the soundness of his methods and the principles of the nra are demonstrated by the fact that, in spite of all this ridicule, the nra is really making headway. relics of post-new deal frontier thought popped up during his white house years. that suggested to me that his days in new deal washington and his exposure to all this post frontier thoughts were just as formative to his intellectual development as his time in general cars graduate school. even as the parallels with the new deal thought stand in bold, you can see ike's reading copy of his workday remarks, celebrated and delivered in the very city where fdr made his signature campaign speech to five years earlier. they could have been clipped from roosevelt's own script. in 1890, we were still moving to the western frontier. sitting bull was killed that year. "today, there is no more free land. we are learning to adapt to a crowded, pulsating society. no longer do we have adventures as settlers, but as responsible citizens in a mature nation. we're planning for the fullest use of our great strength, channeling our pioneer spirit into the endless path of making this nation a better place." his expansion of the new deal was about more than accepting political reality or expedience, he shared a progressive interpretation of the american past with franklin roosevelt and other comment administration fulfills, which led him to include federal welfare programs as part of his "middle way. the significance of the frontier in eisenhower history. this is the point at which i was going to end my remarks until i learned that after he left the white house, eisenhower became a big supporter of planned parenthood. i don't say this in order to flow fuel on the fire raging as if it needed any help. i just wanted to show how thoroughly his views colored his view on other important questions. eisenhower had rejected a role for the state in providing birth control and information of birth control in a december 1959 press conference when he was asked of the united states should provide family planning information as part of economic aid packages. i cannot imagine anything that is not more emphatically a subject that is not a proper political or governmental activity or function of responsibility. the government has not and will not so long as i am here have a positive clinical doctrine in this program that has to do with the problem of birth control. that's not our business. he and harry as truman were honorary cochairman of planned parenthood. ike was informed was a "threat greater than any post by hitler." change in his view was so strong this that by 1965, eisenhower allowed a letter he wrote in support of a bill currently in the senate that would have provided a birth control information to be published in the washington post. his rhetoric hearkens far back beyond the war against hitler, all the way back to the familiar eisenhower territory of the finished frontier. while it is true, ike wrote, that there remain great areas in which there are unexploited resources for food production and irreplaceable minerals, it is still quite clear, that in spite of great technical progress and production, we are scarcely keeping up in overall production and distribution come with requirements leading to an underfed population. because the area of the earth is finite, unless something is done to bring a central equilibrium between him and supply, there is going to be a righteous explosion and the lowering of all peoples, including our own, especially it would seem unwed mothers on public assistance. corrective action will require-- like the national recovery administration, eisenhower was seeking a politically controlled adjustment to the population. he was looking for safety valve, like the vanished frontier, to solve social problems of a new age. thank you. [applause] >> if you have a question, would you come up to one of the microphones? >> tim, since he was a man of abilene, born when the frontier was closed, what was his industry in the -- interest in the american west in terms of the western art or the genre of western fiction, or even movies or television? is there any interest he carried on this interest -- is there any evidence he carried on this interest? tim rives: he did. eisenhower as a boy of men who had been there during the heyday when it had been a cowtown. ike didn't know the west firsthand, but he knew it secondhand. he enjoyed the popular culture of the west. he was known for reading western novels. when he launched the d-day invasion, he went back to his trailer and enjoy the western novels. he didn't know what else to do. he knew about the abilene code, which meant people had to meet people on the street and look them in the eye. even at an anti-defamation league dinner, when he was president, he talked about the abilene code. his house, located on our campus in abilene, buckeye, the main north-south treat through abilene, is the chisolm trail. again, in 1890, when ike was born, the year the frontier is declared closed, that's the battle of wounded knee. eisenhower was the last president born in the 19th century. he died the year that americans landed on the moon. he was a bridge between two ages. eisenhower and a lot of these guys, whether roosevelt or for the -- frederick jackson turner, they witness to those changes of the late 19th century, of people moving from the free land disappearing, that safety valve, which most historians agreed was a myth, there was not a safety valve that gave economic relief to the population, but they believed it did. when it disappeared, there was panic. eisenhower bought into that. there was no longer free land out west. people would have to find other measures for opportunity. >> i was taken back when you said he was a member of planned parenthood. i want to point out that they were only doing birth control at that point. they were not doing abortions. i'm sure as someone who fought hitler, i'm sure he would not have been in favor of abortion. tim rives: there's nothing in his papers about abortion. >> you said some thing about serialization, and i did not grasp what you said. can you expand on that? tim rives: he said we'd have to take a hard look at things and people having children. after two children born under wedlock, they would have to be forcibly sterilized, which was a common attitude at the time. >> is the military-industrial complex, how's that a factor? tim rives: what ike feared were concentrations of private power and state power. it was like an unholy union of private money and the state. you can trace the line of thinking back, even to 1909. he gave his first speech on politics to the young man's democrat club of abeline. he was talking about all these progressive reform measures. you can still see that his concerns were the same, from 1909 until the last article he wrote in 1969, he was concerned about those extreme powers. donny michalski noted that during the farewell address, eisenhower only talked about the military industrial context once but the balance nine times. >> is probably calls for conjecture on your part. since the turn of the current century, we've seen this massive increase in additional connectivity. there are those who believe that the internet and this connectivity represents a new frontier. i can't help but wonder, since eisenhower was sort of at the sharp and of the stick for the most massive increase in technology both during the war and the decade of the 50's, do you suspect, or is there any scholarship that might suggest that his view of digital immersion would leave his views unchanged or would he be inclined to see a new frontier? tim rives: he was not afraid of change. what eisenhower was, he's often generally thought of as a conservative, his first description of his political philosophy in the early 50's, he called conservative dynamism. it was a cautious aggressivism. temperamentally, he was a conservative. he would embrace a lot of technological change. he is given credit for darpa, which is the office that was given the means to invent the internet. in retirement, he said he feared the military-industrial complex, because he saw the 1920's, when he worked in washington. he was there at the creation and was a part of the creation. moving forward, he thought about the limits in the sense of caution that concern the temperament of all these things eisenhower did. if that is helpful. >> correct me if i'm wrong, but i think his father struggled financially when they lived in texas and was always in fear of debt. do you think that colored his feeling about the new deal and the need to have a support system for families? tim rives: i would guess it did. i really would. his business failure near hope, kansas, ike was the only one of the boys not born in kansas, even though he was most identified with kansas. they were, if not poor, the next notch above poor. >> i want to touch on the idea that the frontier theory is a myth. on one hand, on this is a falsehood, on the other hand, it is a story that defines what takes place afterward. i see how that thread runs through contemporary politics, i'd want you to touch on that. tim rives: a lot has been written about the myth of the frontier or that there was an american eden that we had lost. people argue both ways on how much of an effect this line of the frontier had on american institutions. the part that is mythic is the safety valve, the idea that there is always a reserve of land out west, and when times get tough, you can go out west and strike out a new -- anew. eisenhower alludes to that in a response to chenoweth. free land did not provide security, but it provided hope. this idea of the american west was an article of faith with many. >> you mentioned earlier how his mom was a pacifist. i wonder how that impacted his beginning of his military career and throughout, if that helped shape some of his military views? tim rives: milton eisenhower, ike's youngest brother, who later in life became the closest pair of the bunch, the only time ike cried is when milton went to west point. as far as how her activism affected exposition, -- her pacifism affected his position, maybe that pacifism give him some pause. he really did everything he could to avoid war. he ended the conflict in korea or at least got an armistice. there were no large-scale combat actions in the rest of his presidency and no men killed in battle. she had become a jehovah's witness in the early part of the 20th century, but even the river brethren, the mennonites, was historically a pacifist group. it is a bit ironic. >> the part of his address that comes after the military-industrial complex, you can comment on that and respond to me, but i have another question about the civil war, and after that, right after his statement about the military-industrial complex, he says, in this revolution, he's talking about the technological revolution, the question about technology, in this revolution, research has become formalized, complex, and costly. today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop has been overshadowed by task forces. the free university, the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. it becomes a substitute for intellectual curiosity. for every blackboard there are a hundred computers. the prospect of domination of the nation's scholars is ever present and gravely to be regarded. in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, we must be alert to equal and opposite dangers of a policy could become captive of a scientific technological lead. your concern about balance is right. the other word that comes over and over, two words, freedom and liberty. i would suggest that there is a balanced view of the world in this farewell address, but it is different than the new deal. tim rives: the idea of the administered of state was something he knew was going on but was a difficult direction for the country and needed to be moderated and controlled. tim rives: absolutely. that's why he ran as a republican. he disliked the new deal centralizing government. it is ironic that as much of the new deal he did adopt, he was extremely critical of the new deal types, although he was extremely new deal-ish in terms of public policy. >> might question--my question is separate from that. the civil war, he left for western novels, and of course he grew up in a place that was dominated--he loved western novels, and of course you grew up in a place that was dominated by the west. stephen ambrose's famously tells a story about getting a call from him, because he had written a biography of the chief of staff at the beginning of the civil war. ike -- famously, ambrose thought it was a joke that he got a call from the retired president. i wonder if his view on the civil war had an influence on his view of the west and the conquest of the west and his general view of american history? tim rives: i must say, all these references to the frontier and free land are few and far between. it is just enough to connect eisenhower to that idea to show that that interpretation of history, that he excepted, delink him more closely to progressive democrats -- did link him more closely to progressive ddemocrats. it impacted their family personally. but, again, in terms of the west, i cannot make that connection. but yes, eisenhower loved history, from the time he was a boy to the end of his life. any other questions? >> one question. how did the eisenhower museum come to abeline? now he is almost forgotten in kansas. tim rives: that's a problem for us. it's a brief history and a little complicated. late in the war, in 1944, some local men in abilene decided there should be a memorial to their favorite son. the eisenhower foundation was formed. they thought they could build some kind of monument in abilene, and perhaps a small museum that could hold eisenhower's awards and decorations and also those of local men and women who served in the war. around the time that was happening, eisenhower died, and the eisenhower home became available. the eisenhower boys donated the boyhood home, now on our, to the foundation. eisenhower laid the cornerstone of the museum when he went to announce his candidacy for the white house. he came back in 1954 for the grand opening. he had a museum while he was president. the next question, what was he going to do with his papers? the next question became, where is he going to be buried, that became abeline. so over 30 years, we have five buildings developed over 22 acres. must presidential libraries just contain an archive in a museum. our history is different than others. a lot of my remarks are contained in this document. thank you. [applause] tim rives: the eisenhower museum is only a few miles down i-70 in the kansas, so go visit. it is a great museum. the cubs won, 6-4. [laughter] >> i do enjoy seeing the fabric of our country and how things work and how they are made. >> american artifacts, fantastic. >> i had no idea of this history. that's something i would really enjoy. >> with american history tv, it gives you that perspective. >> i'm a c-span fan. this weekend on row to the white house rewind, senator john kerry's super tuesday victory the 2004om presidential campaign. here's a preview. >> on behalf of all americans and on behalf of the other 96% of humankind waiting for leadership from the united rejoin thewill community of nations. [cheers] and we will renew our alliances and we will build new alliances because they are essential to the final victory and success of a war on terror. this, the bush administration has run the most inept, reckless, arrogant, ideological foreign policy in the modern history of our country. [applause] >> we will reverse that course. [cheers] >> this president has said again and again that he wants to run on national security. if george bush wants to make national security the central 2004, i the campaign of have three words for him that i know he understands -- bring it on. heers] >> watch the entire speech sunday at 10:00 p.m. eastern. american history tv, only on c-span3. student can competition was our biggest yet at the students competed for over $100,000 in prizes. they produced argument arrays, answering the questions what issues they most want the candidates to discuss during the 2016 presidential campaign. they told us the economy, inequality, immigration were all top issues. when we willne in announce the grand prize winner, our first place winners, and the fan favorite selected by the public. march 1 max the 51st anniversary of the peace corps established by john f. kennedy during his first year in office. -- up next, jason carter discusses his book "power lines." he described his time as a peace corps volunteer, including the racism and inequality he witnessed. >> can yell hear me act there ok? i appreciate you coming. this is its 4 -- every time i see somebody i know and i'm up here come i laugh because it's still sort of a joke to me. this is a great experience for me but it's brand-new. to the extent i stumble through this. i appreciate you sitting here. in theto south africa peace corps in 1998 and before

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