of making an opening statement. i will then recognize the chairman, the ranking members of the middle east and south asia subcommittee and a terrorism non-proliferation and trade subcommittee for three minutes each to make their opening statements. we have to than today's hearing by noon, so without objection all of the members may submit opening statements for the record. for a begin my statement i want to say a few words about steve solarz, one of our most distinguished former colleagues who passed away on monday after a long battle with cancer. steve had struggled for several years with this terrible illness, but was a typical discipline and good humor he maintained an active and productive schedule. he served in congress from 1975 to 1992. on this committee he was chairman of the africa subcommittee and later chairman of the asia subcommittee where his hearings and activism played a key role in ending the dictatorship of philippine president ferdinand marcos. steve was one of the most creative legislators i have ever worked with. time after time the committee would be debating an amendment to a bill that was resisted by the committee leadership. arguments would be made on both sides and then solarz would seek recognition, offer the perfect synthesis between the two positions and get the unanimous backing of the committee for his compromise. he was a unique talent. after leaving congress steve continued his activism as the leader of the international crisis group. those of us who have the privilege of calling steve both a friend and colleague or a member for his sharp insights, good humor and willingness to push american foreign-policy beyond the boundaries of conventional thinking. we expressed to his wife anita and his family are deepest request -- regrets at this lost to them into our nation nation and i ask that we take a moment of silence while we remember steve. now, my opening statement. iran's nuclear program is a fundamental threat to the united states, our friends and allies into the global consensus on halting and reversing the spread of nuclear weapons. as we meet this morning, iran's centrifuges continued to spin, making more and more enriched uranium that could ultimately be turned into fuel for nuclear weapons. this threat continues to grow with each passing day. this summer in response to that threat congress passed the most rigorous sanctions ever imposed on iran, the comprehensive -- [inaudible] we passed the comprehensive iran sanctions accountability and divestment act or cisada. it was a powerful demonstration of the bipartisan commitment to a tough approach to halting iran's nuclear program. this act broadly expanded the applicability of the original iran sanctions act, including sanctioning third country companies and banks involved in activities such as sales of refined petroleum to iran, assistance to iran's domestic refining capacity and financial dealings with the iranian islamic revolutionary guard corps or irgc. the fundamental premise of our approach is that companies should choose u.s. market over the uranium market. it is a sound approach but by no means a silver bullet for addressing iran's desire to acquire a nuclear weapons capability. our legislation even before the president signed into law on july 1, helped to galvanize international opinion regarding the iranian nuclear issue. the european union previously a key source of iranian commerce and investment, past -- [inaudible] [inaudible conversations] [inaudible] pursued by the administration most major western japanese and south korean companies have ceased selling iran refined petroleum and investing in iran's energy sector and the doors of much of the financial shipping world have been close to iran. major oil companies such as royal shell, france, italy is by and by, norway's -- spain, and japan have all ended or in the process of bending their energy projects in iran and there are numerous reports of the sanctions have seriously hurt the iranian economy and deepen political fissures in the iranian leadership but is that in fact the case and if so, how much closer does it ring us to a real objective which is to -- in odd. [inaudible conversations] >> i get 10 more seconds. the purpose of this hearing is to attempt to answer these questions. i would like to hear the witnesses candid assessment of the current sanctions regime. is it helping us to achieve our goal of an iran without nuclear arms? or sanctions having the desired impacts on iran's economy and are we getting closer to persuading iran to suspend its uranium enrichment program as repeatedly demanded by the international community. in particular is international support for sanctions holding firm? how much backfilling is there by companies who governments have not impose national sanctions? at that last point, on that last point there seems to be no doubt that chinese companies are pursuing energy investments in selling iran refined petroleum. the chinese acknowledge, i would like to know why we haven't sanctioned any of the chinese companies engaged in clearly sanctionable actions. i'm concerned we will not be able to sustain a robust -- [inaudible] [inaudible] based in switzerland but since it is an iranian state owned company that by definition will be barred from dealing with the u.s. market, that action doesn't seem to me to have much of a deterrent effect. i hope under secretary burns and protect her will address these issues. in addition i would welcome undersecretary byrne's use another e. each aspects of iranian nuclear issue such as the recent interruption in iran's enrichment activities and the general diminishing of its enrichment efficiency as reported by the iaea. how meaningful is that? should alter our previous calculations regarding iran's nuclear program? at the recent revelations regarding north north korea's apparently enhanced nuclear facilities affected those calculations? what can you tell us regarding upcoming negotiations in iran now scheduled to commence in a few days in geneva? lastly, this month marks the one-year anniversary of the last major demonstrations by iran's reformist green movement, which mushroomed in the wake of the june 2002 -- 2009 hijacking of the presidential election by ahmadinejad. will where does the green movement stand today? what can we do to reaffirm our close support for the pro-democracy forces in iran? i would like to close by reaffirming my own strong support for our sanctioned efforts. it is her last best hope for resolving the iran nuclear nh peaceful manner. as they i've said the alternatis are military action and even worse acquiescence to a nuclear-armed iran. both of these alternatives are unpalatable. i also want to really commend the administration for placing such a high priority on the iranian nuclear issue and for the effectiveness of its policies thus far. thanks to this administration's artful diplomacy, we have far more international support on this issue than most of us thought even remotely possible as little as six months ago. from the outset this administration has made iran a top rarity item in virtually every meeting with foreign leaders and the results show. the administration's successful jawboning of companies have also made a significant contribution to the effort to isolate iran economically. so, type days, five months of to the day since cisada became i look forward to your candid assessment of the effectiveness of our sanctions effort, how it can be approved as well as your assessment of the prospect we will succeed in our larger goal of preventing iran from achieving nuclear weapons status. [inaudible] >> just to recognize the ranking members, iliana ros-lehtinen for opening remarks. >> thank you very much mr. chairman and i would like to start by recognizing some of my constituents who are in the audience. they are iranian americans who are staunchly opposed to the iranian regime. some of shed light on iran's nuclear programs and the unveiling of information on different iranian nuclear facilities. many have relatives and camp -- rob and i raced with assistant secretary of state feldman a few weeks ago the need for the administration to ensure that the iraqi government lives up to its human rights commitments and protects the resident -- residents. with respect to iran mr. chairman, as we all know the jena must have one vital objective and that is to stop the regime's pursuit of nuclear at other unconventional weapons and the missiles to deliver them, its sponsorship of terrorism and other activities that threaten americans, our interests and our allies. however since the 1990s, the u.s. and international efforts to stop the growing iranian threat has been half-hearted at best with results to match. the problem is not that a tough approach has failed, but it has yet to be fully tried. the sanctions were not fully implemented or enforced, then the focus was not on measures the u.s. could easily take but instead on persuading the so-called international community to act collectively, collectively meaning a green to the lowest common denominator while continuing to cultivate ties with the regime in tehran. rush of coors has a long record of cooperation with iran on missiles and nuclear matters reticular leg its construction of the busheir reactor which is scheduled to come on line in january. to secure russian cooperation, the current and previous administrations have resorted to a series of concessions to moscow. what did we buy at so great a price? tacit support for u.n. sanctions and assurances that russia will wrap up assessments in iran's energy sector and russia will not at this time proceed with its sale of advanced missiles to iran. of course despite all of their concessions, russia has indeed offered a nuclear cooperation agreement and advanced missile sales to the syrian regime. china is another key ally and protector of iran and has made it clear it will prevent significant, prevent significant pressure to be placed on tehran. chinese companies are eagerly expanding their trade with and investments in iran. many taking advantage of opportunities created i western and other companies which are curtailing or finally severing their ties. recently reports indicate that china is actively facilitating north korea's providing iran with advanced missiles and ingredients for chemical weapons in violation of u.n. security council sanctions. but support for iran comes from other places as well. determined to demonstrate its growing distance from the u.s., turkey has publicly embraced tehran, increased its economic cooperation, signed a major gas pipeline deal and try to undermine u.s. efforts to stop the iranian threat, including voting against u.n. security council resolution 1929. turkey recently prevented nato from designating iran as a missile threat to be countered with a proposed antimissile shield despite tehran's expanding missile capabilities. are manias financial trade transport and energy cooperation with iran. unfortunately securing effective action by one administration after another has been an uphill battle. for over 14 years since the passage of the iran sanctions act, only one determination of sanctionable activity has ever been made and the resulting penalties were immediately waved. efforts to strengthen existing laws were opposed by each administration, citing a reluctance to tie the president's hands or upset other countries who want to keep doing business with tehran. this past june after a long, hard-fought struggle, the comprehensive iran sanctions accountability and divestment act, cisada, was enacted. although weaker than some of us hope this law could represent a major step forward, especially through his energy refined petroleum and financial sanctions. this congressionally driven effort has led some countries, including the e.u., japan, australia and south korea to finally impose their own albeit more limited sanctions on tehran. on the financial front, the actions taken by foreign governments to sever their ties with the iranian financial institutions and other iranian entities designated as involved in the iranian proliferation and sponsorship of terrorism is encouraging. undersecretary levey, let me again thank you and your team and treasury for your pivotal role in these developments and/or years of dedication and acting against the iranian regime and its enablers. thank you, sir. i am however concerned history may be repeating itself regarding the state department's implementation efforts. for example the law requires the administration to investigate upon receiving credible evidence suspected sanctionable foreign investment in iran's energy sector. .. responsible for human rights abuses. we've wasted enough time 14 years. no more waivers, exceptions are excuses. we cannot live within it near a van. we must ensure that the tools we have are used to the maximum effectiveness and look for new means of compelling iran's iic fact dvd, are interested in in outlays. i'm not just referring to the nuclear pursue, but also to a state sponsorship of terrorism. of particular concern is iran's support for hezbollah in lebanon, mr. chairman, which has threatened violence and is expected in operatives are invited for the assassination of former lebanese prime minister are really has a massive arsenal of about 50,000 rockets and participates in and has veto power over the current lebanese government. i would ask undersecretary burns, with the u.s. is doing, to address this situation before it comes a full-blown crisis and hezbollah takes over completely. thank you, mr. chairman. and i'll ask the administration also about the continued military assistance to the lebanese armed forces. thank you for a much, mr. chairman. and i think the witnesses. >> thank you. i'm pleased to recognize for three minutes, chairman of the middle east and south asia subcommittee, the gentleman from new york, mr. ackerman. >> thank you, mr. chairman. the 112 congress and those in junior will be the same. how do we prevent iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. it is i believe the most critical national security question facing our nation today the successive failures the buyer nation will decide what kind of world or children area. i went straight to acquire nuclear weapons is near success, but not yet succeeded and it must not. the consequences of the successful effort by iran to acquire nuclear weapons and open defiance of numerous u.n. security council resolutions solemnly undertaken treaty obligations and it is suicidal reddick which changes the world and this must not happen. implementation the sanctions of iraq been surprisingly successful, but the combined effect of u.n. sanctions and new sanctions imposed new on the ayatollah regime. it must be comprehensive and here there are two points to make. first, the economic pain must be severe as we can make it. stations must be applied without exception or distinction. the congress will accept nothing less. second, economic team is not enough. by luck of providence the mullahs regime face and international -- internal political crisis more severe than any since the creation of the islamic public. while it is to the green movement has been effective, suppressed by the tools of oppression and the legitimacy has permanently undercutting the eyes of the iranian people. elections whose results have to be forced on an unwilling populations throughout means of mass murder,, torture or sign of weakness and that weakness needs to be excessively exploited. i call upon the obama administration administration to simulate the reagan -- president reagan's which provided across-the-board pressure as combined economic political diplomatic culture and military pressure with arms control negotiations, we might call today engagement that advance american interests. iranian regime is likewise right for comprehensive pressure, multilateral forms the multinational institutions need to be pushed to focus the deplorable human rights record. our broadcast into iran must be ramped up to iranian people know they are not alone. the president and secretary of state need to be consistently reminded of the impression the arabian people by the illegitimate iranian regime. the armed forces of the united states need to need to be deployed in with key partners to demonstrate our ability to respond overwhelmingly to aggression and provocation. those willing to take up arms against iran, iranian influence should have material support. the iranian of the illicit materials must be able to shadow the united states, pursuing them with vengeance. it is not too late to stop iran, to rollback the nuclear program, to meet the iranian people and taking back their country, but we must engage in this great and necessary challenge with even greater effort and vigor than we have managed so far. time is running out. thank you, mr. chairman. >> time has run out. and the ranking member of the subcommittee middle east and south asia is here, so i'm going to recognize the chairman of the terrorism non-proliferation trade subcommittee of this committee. the gentleman from california, mr. sherman for three minutes. >> thank you for holding these hearings, mr. chairman. i believe it is the most important work for us to do. this month i think that we need to see even more enforcement of existing non-and the adoption of new statutes. i hope that later this month or early next year we consider the stop of the iran nuclear program act which would strengthen the sanctions still further. in addition i should note that our colleague, congressman filner of california has a bill with over 106 cosponsors to take the pmo i offer the terrorism list and i hope that respect for our 106 plus colleagues that have cosponsored that bill would lead to a serious consideration of the bill any hearings on it. so if much legislating to do, just as our friends from the administration have much to do as well. major oil companies from the west for the most part 1 of death in oil sector for some refined petroleum. this is a success. it is a success that comes perhaps a dozen years too late. at this point, we have to not only prevent the investment in the energy your iran. we have to prevent iran from getting refined petroleum process. i have the executive ridge of government decided to follow the law when it was passed over a dozen years ago, we would be in a much better position now. now the only way to stop iran's nuclear program is not only what is already being done, but the much, much more difficult job of preventing iran from getting refined petroleum. and i would point out that we are where we are, not because there's been a radical change, the policy has been sincerely and sanctions act was adopted to follow the law, only to the extent that its implementation does not offend any foreign government except that of iran. this is described by a ranking member, the lowest common denominator policy. the good news is the lowest common denominator is now a higher number than it used to be, especially for japan and western europe. and we have obtained a lot of cooperation and it is now a difficult for iran to find partners to invest in its oil fields. we also want to give credit, however, to the wisdom of our allies, but especially to the corruption and ineptitude of those who are running iran, to make doing business with that country so difficult. as to stop iran nuclear program act, it would, for example, prevent our sanction the $5 billion euro sovereign bond issuance that iran is now engaged. they realize that they may not be able to get western investment in the oil fields, so they feel they'll borrow the money due to investment themselves. the way to stop that is your legislation, which i look forward to taking up expeditiously. i yield back. >> the time of the