out, while this movement to build a choir of young, ideological lawyers, journalists , congressional staff, and voters has been a central priority of the right, very few social scientists have studied the effort to mobilize the students or to examine just how the students experience their undergraduate life in the first place. this has left us in an odd situation of not knowing if the accusations leveled against the university's resonate with the students on his behalf vermeil, nor do we know what to anything else about the students such as when and how did they become conservative? were under political turning points? both before and during college. one of the issues that they care about, and how did these differ from their elders? who do conservative students know in a larger world of conservative thought and politics? we have also been more or less in the dark except for a few media reports about how students on the right actually enact a conservative is among campus, the kind of speech and action at the use and from what prep charges lacked. and just how does conservative speech and action very from campus to campus and fadel? in the absence of good social science research on these questions one can have a general sense that conservative college students are a fairly homogeneous but she more or less mimic what the national gop does. is it true? and this is where my co-author and i come in. i apologize for the extremely crowded slight, but i'm interested in having a an understanding of our conceptual framework to become an with our book, "becoming right," which is a comparative case study. in choosing to study conservative students at eastern in the private universities and western fractured public universities our idea was to see if we could get better purchase on our universities might be understood to uniquely shaped tombs politics. sociologists and other social scientists have long been interested in universities affects on since political attitudes, behavior, values, but the political socialization, the national campus level datasets based on a survey to measure whether students change in the political participation rates like voting, when the increases or decreases because of college. and it managers in college modify stevens political orientations one where another from conservative to liberal. but by my estimation as important as this work is, it's also a rather thin way of thinking about students political development. experience in politics during their college years, what the political, social invention literature can't do, it was not designed to do it directly or methodologically, consider the multiple ways that college campuses which were made at of distinctive organization features, housing, class size, steven to faculty ratios as well as cultural understandings of who we are on this campus has a campus community this might give meaning to and shaping and people's political ideas and actions. so by using qualitative methods and particular in-depth interviews, field work on these campuses and also at conferences and conservative organizations, what you see if and how universities play a significant role in fundamentally constituting a new political ideas and discovering new models for action in one's conservative behavior. now, very fortunately we are not alone in how we think. college campuses should be understand as generative systems of meaning more than repositories of previously formed individual level perspectives among students. for those of you in sociology, you will be surprised to learn that we position our study on the same bookshelves and several recently published works which show how universities act as hubs and incubators for particular types of students. for example, elizabeth armstrong and laura hamilton, although not studying political formation to look at how universities in the midwest for set up to facilitate what they call a party pathway to my party dorm rooms, very ample fraternity network and so forth which creates the identities of partiers at this university. the look at how elite boarding schools manufacture and stevens particular models of self-confidence and self deserving this as they move on the college and are also informed by overworked, as i indicated above. in particular will draw your attention to the various studies of fire education in different ways to my chartering unique identities and last out possibilities and we are bringing politics into the next. the conservative research, also very fortunately because we really need to learn a lot more about the politics of the right. there's a new body of work the focus is not only on christian or extremist conservatism or conservatism among women which is our most sociological attention to conservatism, but also in fiscal conservatism. the infrastructure of conservatism, the think tanks, the foundation's, the university's. and on the historical advent of anti-establishment or movement conservatives and including an excellent new projects on the two party, and i have indicated a few of these educational and conservative research projects on the slide, but in a grand scheme when i'm talking about today as well as in the book is bringing peace research streams to get a to look at how university campuses and today's conservative politics intersect and how college shapes the nature, the activities, and fundamentally the formation of politically conservative cells. turning now from our conceptual framework to our data, want to say a few words about our case to the schools and a sample. now, as i started thinking about this project in the summer of 2007i had a whole bunch of case studies that i thought i might look at, as many as six of one time. that did not prove feasible. i selected eastern elite and western public universities for comparison along dimensions of similarity and difference which is a classic case study selection methodology designed to yield insight you would not get from a single case study. i can tell you why. in terms of similarity, both are secular institutions, although other religious institution, that was a long time ago. those are research one universities meeting that they grant the 80's and research is a primary focus of faculty and graduate students. politically at least by reputation both of these schools are in the conservative spotlight as liberal bastions. so if you listen to conservative radio or you read the "wall street journal" editorial page you might hear complaints about both of these universities amongst others. now, in terms of differences, obviously one is private and one is public. with all the difference is that distinction makes in a student's life. they differ in their admissions activities. eastern elites takes about one in every 11 applicants. western public takes about one in two. they also differ in size of faculty and student. eastern has 7,000 graduates with a student and faculty ratio of 71, western public has about 25,000 students with a student and faculty ratio of 18 to one. and they differ in both their organizational features that i mentioned earlier, housing, dining, physical signs campus, percent of students in class and organizations like that as well as in cultural features, including what we might call their institutional egos. so eastern is one of the most prestigious institutions of higher education in the world while western is known for its faculty's research. it is also known to be a party school, a place where students know that they can enjoy our recreational atmosphere. now, to find interviewees' for the study had began with clubs and other groups that posted on the internet for both of these campuses. so in 2008 just before and after the presidential election, this is before the emergence of the tea party, i interviewed leaders and members of the campuses college republicans, pro-life groups, columnist with a conservative newspapers as well as conservative columnist for the mainstream newspapers. anti-gun control groups, libertarians and some one. mostly these were active conservatives on campus. they had a reputation for being conservative, but through methodology was also able to find some students who were more behind the scenes. this is not totally about active students. of this was supplemented by another 50 interviews for 100 total with national conservative organization leaders, faculty administrators and other folks. now, demographically on both campuses the students or as you might expect from reading a few research polls are looking at the journal social survey, most of these students were predominantly white, more men and women in our sample, and they were generally fairly religious. there ran the gamut from being very religious, either evangelical or catholic to kind of spiritual but not religious. we had a few agnostics and atheists and a group, but generally this is a fairly religious bunch. in the majority of our interviewees on both campuses were middle to upper middle-class, although eastern elite interviewee's tended to come from families that were more highly educated. that said, our interviewees of those schools is played quite extensive variance. so we add a few students at western and eastern his parents had graduated from college, one are to his parents had only graduate from high school and advanced degrees. so in the final analysis the samples are not as different as one might think in studying the very elite private university in the public university. a cake. so with all of that behind us let me now turn to the book. in this presentation will focus on one of the issues that i raised earlier about the present thomas nagy of conservative college students across the country. and i'll do this in particular by drawing down on students political styles on the steve case to the campuses. and when i talk about style, i'm not talking just about students and alums stated ideological beliefs or the doctrine that they adhere to, but also their expressive practices in the service of those beliefs, and i do this because in our increasingly polarized and national political environment and even within the republican party itself, we are seeing that the styles of politics are becoming as important as the ideas of politics. insofar as particular cells can move to animosity, gridlock, lack of compromise. i will open my discussion of conservative college students styles with a couple of vignettes from our data. so, it is a 2007, and members of the college republicans at western flagship have just gone to an event called the informative action bake sale. i know this is no stranger to you with berkeley. now, the bake sale is a well-known piece of political theater that conservative students use at many universities across the country selling cookies and higher-priced to allow students than they do to, say, african-american and latino students. the bake sale is said to highlight the insidious effects of race-based affirmative action. as point of view, but when students at western talk about what effect actually stage the event, it's clear that they revel in the sheer fun and confrontation that there activity stirs up. one interviewee said, so, we're out there and it's like five college republicans. and for about half an hour community members come by and say, oh, i'm a white guy and i have to pay a dollar. people are really getting into it. this bake sale which is not from western, prices are inflated. people are getting into it. of course meanwhile there's a new rally organized by the diversity bunch of which they mean politically correct groups like women or racial -- racial ethnic minorities. they're angry. have no problem with protesters. and what the practices in. another student said of the affirmative action bake sale and events like it, if you wake of an come to school in the morning and someone calls you a bigot you know you're going have a good day. this kind of event is one of a fairly large number of actions that conservative students stage and college campuses alongside catching illegal alien day where once seen as designated undocumented or illegal and others try to catch him. the beach party where students mocked the theory of climate change with beer and sons and i'll and the conservative coming out day, a twist on algae bt celebration. in such events are promoted by national conservative organizations which spend millions of dollars a year helping conservative students learn to be activists in what were calling the procter style meanwhile an event like the big sale is considered -- not so much by administrators and faculty who don't like them, but more so by conservative students themselves. at this private university conservative undergraduates to announce confrontational actions just for the sake of pushing the buttons. as one eastern student described it, look, i don't think anything like that is helpful. one person walked up to a table by cupcake and realize that this was an affirmative action bake sale. that was a great illustration of the problems with affirmative action. the only thing i've ever seen coming from putting on events like that is decisiveness and lack of communication. others concur saying such an event would be unsuitable for the sensibility of a campus and even though they're also ideologically anti affirmative action. instead of provoking the prefer to use what we call civilized discourse where they come to it engage in discussions, argue about ideas, but with the date back to by facts and research, not through the slamming of both sides, or at least that is the stated intent. we found these two styles of conservatism pretty much are mutually exclusive. one interview me at eastern elite said i remember freshman year her posters would be life like starts at conception and and the planned parenthood, and we have blood spatters or death of a fetus developing command a fetus to be saying different things, like a want to be an airline pilot, but those where crazy people hated them. this seems about to say that the pro-life groups started different kinds of campaigns in light of this failure for baby bottles, pregnancy counseling. and worked across the aisle with what he referred to as the sometimes crazy women center on campus. in other words, his pro-life -- many of his members had used tactics like this growing up and did not like the controversy errors during a. and at eastern students, that is appropriate to the campus. at western students tell us that they shunned this more respectful stop because quite frankly it's not conservative enough and the slain. so these two styles pretty much don't need on these campuses. however, there is more to the story. while each of these is the dominant form of expression on each campus we found that there are two submerged styles used by conservative stevens cahuenga to be completely monolithic. on the campus a smaller set of students say that there were happy to engage hosting candid it's as speakers, walking precincts and that sort of thing, but this campaign style comes under attacks from other conservatives on both campuses. first, it's not used very much at all at western, and when it is used it catches a lot of flak for being an abomination because it kisses the of the national gop. it's not expressive enough. at eastern meanwhile the campaigning style comes under similar assaults but with more of an elitist flavor. for example when a student says he is baffled him this highly talented classmates want to spend time working man it just seems so plebeian and overly practical. we can see here that even when students are rejecting a style, there is a unique campus meeting system behind it. finally, there are those at eastern and make use of our last category of conservative style which we call the highbrow. and this starts in the pages of the conservative newspaper at eastern and is a kind of pedigreed national news file consisting of ironic, sometimes philosophical and contemptuous essays about multiculturalism or gender sensitivity. now, the issues that come under attack by highbrow provocateurs are not so different from my western public conservatives dislike, but the expression is very different. highbrow provocation is not an activist were active as a means to going out on the corn and publicly brawling people up. the eyebrow provocation style is a literary art style. thank dynast to souza. so just to summarize, the set of findings have western public the provocative style is dominant, confrontational, six fun, and the campaigning style is subordinate. a few students use it, but it's not seem to be appropriate for fun-living college students who are conservative. an eastern elite, meanwhile, civilized discourse predominates and both campaigning in this time around provocation style insubordinate. so what to make of this uneven distribution of conservative styles across these two campuses? should be even be surprised? perhaps this is all just a matter of selection. so explanation complete whereby eastern in the students were simply more refined to begin with as they walk on the campus. while at western conservatives with come to campus the ready to rumble. well, it's a good hypothesis that given the light of my presentation today while we do see the impact of selection it cannot give us a complete understanding of all we're seeing on these campuses. for one thing, demographically while eastern in the students, as i mentioned earlier, do tend to come from families are more fluent and have more education in the background which may be the origin of greater stability, this seems an alumni we interviewed at eastern, hardly call school early on in the gracious cosmopolitan. many that they learned in many aspects of their lives once there are the school. in addition, like their peers of western eastern students have done things like staged abortion protests and watched fox news and had visited the website of national conservative organizations, sponsored the provocative style. yet we did not see eastern students leaning in to this as the western students did. second, in terms of whether we should be or it can only look dustin's conservative ideology or believe we found the students on the two campuses were really quite similar in several ways. i can go into a more detail about the security, but students agree about the need. they agree about the problems of the nanny state. they are advocating for lower taxes, strong national security. and even on social issues they are more or less in agreement. it would not be unreasonable to expect of similarities in ideology will lead to similarities in style. another way that these differences are surprising is that they don't correspond to student statements of feeling like the erin a political minority. interviewees of both campuses said being in the numerical minority introduces real hardships for them. isolation from peers, feeling like they're always having to defend their political peers have feeling back their politics are at odds with faculty. yet despite the similarities and saying that there in the minority among the styles that the two groups used a strikingly different. finally, a fourth reason our findings are intriguing is that for the past couple of decades at least, and it's debatable whether it is original and with the tea party or much earlier with gingrich or reagan or for the back, but there has clearly been a narrowing of conservative styles promoted by the national republican party, what we might call slash and burn tactics that were quite similar to what we saw being used to western. the fact that the provocative style is in the cultural there for conservatives at the broadest level of society and politics is typical only of western, not eastern students. so what is the story? and when did you for your know a bit more data before offering and our cultural and organizational analysis of our universities matter for the development of students conservative style. now, interviewees' at western gave us a variety of reasons for why they chose to be confrontational of them said that confronting the balloon is essential for dealing with the sense of marginal as asian the days till on the campus they referred to faculty transgressions that alienate them such as being singled out as a conservative who should offer the conservative perspective on some topic in class. the talk about their peers behavior, not listening to them or harassing the speaker's man they point to the overall liberal feel in the community. all of this gives the confrontational style legitimacy they have to fight back. as one student says, angry liberal stand to be conservative activists bread-and-butter. i mean, college republicans will do silly, stupid stuff often very purposefully to get people's emotions to come out. the idea here is that if they pushed liberals buttons, and those liberals then fly off the handle and respond angrily this just proves how fundamentally bias liberal faculty peers are the first place and is extremely gratifying to see everybody's true stripes. now, if c-span weren't from in this i would tell you about gender studies professor at the university of iowa who took exception to college republicans' conservative coming a day and drop to the f pawn in an e-mail back to college republicans. and you can see her as being kind of exhibit eight fur pushing buttons, have the bulls speak out against them and then point to those faculty has been the problem. now, a campus like theirs, it was necessary to go begging in order to get attention. whether this is from an apathetic classmate who otherwise just one of the party or liberal activist to dismiss the conservative perspective, not only that, but the media love it when you stage these kinds of events, and so did potential political players. one of our interviewers said if you can be perceived as somebody who believes a conservative message to evil western flag ship and all of the socialists up there, you can have any job you want. now, this interviewee is knowingly being hyperbolic when he refers to his evil socialist campus, but he is also a dead serious about the positive affects such rhetoric and have. students have an eye on their future careers, and that western if you want to get into politics which many of these students to students perceive a confrontational style to be a boon for their career path. now, putting on my analytical at your command as western public university culturally and organizationally incubate the students case for provocation? assuming that they did not just come to campus ready to go after the liberals. the first thing that is important to know is that western is a large state school where only about 25 percent of students live on campus command on the handful have eating plants in dining halls. altogether, about 75 percent of students commute. will we know from the literature about these kinds of living patterns is that college -- in college's students will cluster with people who are most like them on campus. they're is a strong pull toward similarity. and if there is not universally intervention in the form of political organizations or things of that sort, this multiplies. and what this means for conservatives of western is that there are few opportunities for students of on my mind to get to know one another. this organization future of the campus, the suns in the housing contributes to real and perceived insularity from the other side of the political fence. it also leads to a weak set of community norms for respectful political discussion and in turn there are fewer social constraints on provoking their peers and faculty. after all, if you don't know any black students or any latino students by name, then it's easier to set up a sign selling cookies seven for $0.25 or suggesting that they are illegal aliens. our first recommendation is a housing and dining features and other social features lead to a thinner opportunities for building social capital across heterogeneous pier lines which contributes to being provocative . second -- or confrontational. students at western also have much less personal contact the faculty and eastern students to. first, as i said before, there is a much larger student and faculty ratio. second, students take there class is in mostly large lecture format and third and not importantly, although you might not think about that of the top of your head, there is a registration system for getting in the courses in the first place. i'm surprised to hear in the interviews i conducted how much this is talked about. but what i figured out was what it means is that students often are not getting into the class is that they do want ended up in class is that they don't. while this depersonalize system has alienating effects on all students at western, it certainly doesn't ease csc, liberal moderate conservatives, for students on the right who have already been primed by national conservative organizations to regard their professors with mistrust, it increases their level of suspicion about faculty. again, and lowers the barriers for more aggressive confrontation. you don't know your professors, it's easier to caricature them as evil socialists. finally, we find that they institutional egos at western is culture or organizational saga. plays a major role in how students understand themselves, even in the political realm. western is a party school. if you look at u.s. news and world report ec recreation being emphasized. we argue in our book that the provocative style of conservatism actually fits very well a student understanding of the campus is a fun place to be, where college students are supposed to have fun. we don't want to play safe. they're is a sense among western conservatives that college is the time when they should play pick. so for both organizational and cultural reasons provocation fits well as a style for conservatives of western, even while they share much of the same ideological tenants as their peers at eastern. okay. what is the story at eastern? why is it important to conservative students to present their ideas in an uncivilized way and to appear respectful tapirs and professors? to answer this question i'm going to refer to one more "because it's quite telling. in eastern college republican said at a lot of -- whereas a lot of the republican message on other campuses is structured along these big guy grabbing attention getting things because 60,000 students on campus who are more interested in a fraternity party, and eastern the way you get to students is much different because people are willing to go to a discussion seminar with an eminent academic. you don't have to be out on the quad protesting in order to get people's attention. and one can see very clearly that eastern students are aware of what other college students are doing on their campuses, and he and his classmates are free not to pursue such basically populous and. out here this to and i'm quoting was at the very moment of our interview a special assistant to one of george to of the bushes chief political strategists. he was taking that semester off to work with the strategist who is no stranger confrontation. you have to take my word on that because i can say his name in this presentation. while the student was working for the strategist and leaned into more confrontational style for national politics, when he was on campus he argued that provocation would work there. and one overarching rationale eclipsed all others as we asked students about this. what they said was that we engage in discussion and respectful exchange of eastern because this is eastern. we are part of a special, in the community made up of world-class faculty and talented classmates. important now, important later. and we have the luxury and privilege of being responsible people in this context. also interesting is that eastern interviewees said this was also thought to be an obligation. they're compelled to engage in an appropriate direction. compelled to not put on events that would make people on campus feel uncomfortable, and you can think of the blood spatters on the pro-life posters i mentioned earlier which were immediately jettisoned. discomfort is not good. being a these is good. students discussion of the ease and schools teach the students. most students do not come to campus already perfectly educated and refinement. they learn to be civil once they get to campus. they're taking on something like a collective eminence by being students at least in. i should also add that students at eastern have a fixed high on their future career. but on my extensive western, eastern students are convinced that for the types of futures there will be having, applying for courtships, heading off to mackenzie, heading up an affirmative action bake sale is going to look so good, and they're very aware this. so clearly there is an institutional eat those manufactured at eastern have being in a special academic community that shapes conservative style. we see this cultural elite is being bolstered by the organizational features of campus as well. first, the housing system keeps students on campus of four years, and the enrollment is in clusters. of with one another for many years. the campus is much smaller than western which means people know each other at least minimally by face. they feel more accountable to one another. and dining halls are for all four years. the lead is to describe this is that live in an eastern elite bubble, very self-contained social scene which we argue modulates conservative students willingness to go rogue, even while some students admitted would be fun. i could go on about class size, registration procedures that are much more tailored to the individual student, and other academic features like students more personal relationships with faculty, but you probably get the picture that organizationally eastern looks different in western. and that as a consequence of all of these cultural meetings and organizational arrangements eastern conservative students, even while they say they suffer from marginalize nation still feel that they are part of the university's deepen manufactured community. such a sense of community rules out the most conservatives, the activists provocative style. vigorously promoted in gop politics and is used on other campuses. let me wrap up. i want to emphasize that students at western and eastern were more similar in their style at the time that they entered college than at the time that we interviewed them two, three, for and more years and. many before entering college have written conservative blocks , they certainly read them, attended protests, debated politics with families. it's also important to note again that while east and students were more likely in the aggregate to help upper-middle-class backgrounds which might translate to a case for a more civil discourse style , interviewee's at both schools came from families and of varying cultural capital patterns. we are arguing against the position that we're simply saying campus styles reflect pre college habits and arguing for the idea that campuses create pathways to particular types of conservatism. this is important in a couple of ways. for one, the project helps us understand more about the lives of the students, how they think about themselves and how they conduct their activities and also about the variety of styles and dispositions among conservative students which we would not know with marginalized media account or from critiques emanating from conservative organizations. .. >> national and regional politics, and politics universities, all studies part and parcel within each other in an organizational context. timely, we have insights into conservative politics at large where the provocative style has gotten a lot of play and leverage in today's republican party apparatus. sounds like an understatement, really. ideology is -- style has been the research of those studying conservatism. certainly, in the last couple years in the wake of the tea party, more writers and commentators have cued into this that at the time kate and i were conducting our work, there was a lot more attention to content than form. form shouldn't be overlooked. in today's world, polarizing politics is currency, it's a grave mistake to ignore style and argue that it is a serious mistake to ignore key settings where political styles are fostered on college campuses. with that, i end, and thank you so much for your attention. [applause] >> we'll take questions from the audience, please. >> yes? >> [inaudible] >> law school, a combination, but there's a minority, and also, it's elitist even though it's public service, stands out from the general crowd, so i'm not sure what -- how the venue is, how to arrange venues here, but they always -- not always, but more often than other groups in law school who organize presentations, and there are quite a few, eight or ten during the week, they always stage it as a debate, and they give -- the invitee is not a super conservative, but one that offers gists or grists for a mill, and they purposely have a liberal, stand-in liberal response, and so it crosses the boundaries. it makes it confrontational potentially, the people are very often on their best behavior, and it seems a mixture of that. i have a second and last question. are we talking undergraduates and not graduates? >> yes, uh-huh. >> bus it's a research university, so graduates are off someplace else not doing either or what's going on with them >> thank you. >> thank you. to the federalist society first, if i may, i say what they engage is civilized discourse, and as described in the book, there's a lot of interest in engaging others in debate and having, you know, fantastic conversations about one's position. it's just that there's not an add homonym quality to it, and so the federalist society is one of those intellectual organizations that i named early on which has a lot of work mobilizing, and so i think that fits extremely well as the civilized style, and a very elite university, if that makes sense, that university and law school, if that makes sense that that would take place there, i would say. second question about graduate students. we had in our mix, both undergrads, focus on undergarage thes, because so much of the conservative critique is about undergraduates, so i really, at the point i was collecting data and doing the research design was really only i where it came on later, and when i refer to "i," i don't mean to be narcissistic, just accurate. i really wanted to focus on precisely the group that the conservative critics and that journalist frequently talked about, and we didn't get a lot of information about graduate students. among alumni, there's several who were in law school at the time, but i wouldn't be able to speak to patterns among graduate students at universities. >> thank you for the discussion. >> thank you. >> i think it more important if you could draw some conclusion about whether the style of the conservative actions on campus extended past campus and graduation, so do conservatives that come out of pow pew lar western universities act differently after graduation in the political arena? >> well, so i have not done that research i've not looked at tracing who legislators or, you know, various others in public office, where they've come from. that would be a great project. what i know about the future is what they say about the kinds of jobs they want to get later; right? so job operations were a really important component to how students look at politics on campus. if you were thinking you would go into regional politics, which is what a lot of the western students said they were going to go into, this kind of mud slinging and popular style, they thought, would be useful to them, whereas at eastern, what i found out, is most of the students were actually going into financing consulting, like so many other students, liberals, and others otherwise, and their civilized style is useful. they are in halls of power, working with people with different kinds of perspectives, and so while i don't have data on what they are like, once they're out in the larger society, i can think about what they are like in terms of the futures. in the green. >> enjoyed the presentation. what is the longer term implications for siles for the conservative movement, but wondered if you were able -- i know it's hard to interview everybody, but if you were able to see what the impacts of the context were on liberal groups on the same campus, and did you see sort of similar forms on both of the campuses? >> yeah, and i think that's a really important question. this could be all well and good talking about how conservatives respond to campus, but is this just the organization on cultural futures that affect everybody on campus? i did not collect data on that, and heard from conservatives what they said about their liberal peers, and my conjecture on this is both campuses, these styles -- with the exception of the higher provocation style at eastern, a literary arch style, that we would see much the same styles from the studentings as well because these organizational teachers and culture is so strong at the two schools; however, liberal students don't -- i guess they night not think about the purpose of their styles as much, so at western public, these students really thought about what it met to be confrontational. i do this because i'm in the minority. i have to do this so that people recognize i'm here, adopt, i have to do this so that not everybody thinks that only liberals go here, and they don't have that same sense of place on campus equally at eastern, i would say ?a stiewchts there, liberal students there, do not play against that type of the conservative students there, that they also feel more comfortable on campus and schooled in a collective imminence that you talk about. >> thank you for this great conversation. i wish i had access to the book writing my dissertation. it would have been useful. i'm interested in the thoughts about what you were talking about. the victimization that is portrayed as being a minority on campus, if, in fact, the minority is accurate as put out. i don't know about that, but how does this happen that people perhaps affiliated with some of thee most powerful institutions and families and loafer are lineages are on campus. interested in how that happens. >> i'll do quid pro quo and ask about the dissertation after this question. in terms of what are the numbers of of students on campus just to get the facts out, we use survey data from the higher education research to look at patterns across lines, in combination with our own interviews and field work and found that over time percentage of liberals and conservatives, you know, hover around 20%. the number of conservatives is at 20%, so relative to liberals, so way outnumbered, 50% of students on elite private universities like this one consider themselves liberal and smaller number consider themselves moderate, whereas at a university like public, it is reverse. there are the same number of liberals and same number of conservatives and vast majority, about 50% of students on campus are moderate. out of this, there's argument they are in the knew may recollect minority. they are really, at western public, where people -- so they present themselves are about equal liberal, and victimization, i talked with a few critics who are concerned about this victimization stand, but that is what the national conservatives is made up of, and you can see it's really a mobilizing technique. like, you need to come o our conferences, do our stuff, do the projects that are fun to do, get in people's faces, use this, and it's a much more inviting kind of stand. the eastern elite students turn their back on the victimization because the profile of history to comment. they would rather think about themselves as always being highly honored, republicked, and so forth. >> people who are fiscal conservatives and social liberals, do they identify as moderates conservatives, what? how -- is there that kind of break down? >> right, so i don't know in the national sample -- they can't disag grate them or disentangle what people mean in what issues, but we talked with students who were on social issues of policy, and they pretty neatly fit into these categories, there was a big difference in terms of adopting a file on campus that their peers had adopted. >> [inaudible] >> in the national surveys, they don't. it's a very, kind of crude measurement. how do you see yourself? very liberal, liberal, middle of the road conservative, or very conservative. they ask conservatives, and nationals about the priorization. saw a hand here. yes. >> i find it interesting that you buoyant out these conservative students who are -- minority on campuses that you describe, engage in self-victimization, something people always accuse people of color of engaging in, so i thought that was interesting. >> may i say something about that? >> certainly. >> just off the bat, it is, indeed, ironic. it's also true that -- but this is what some of the conservative s, reflective conservatives think about. when you engage in the discourse of the other people's victimization and that we have so much pray, and what the national organizations are doing is using that rhetoric, and, you know, clearly stating that this has been wrong the whole time, that people really in the minority are conservatives. >> so, in other words, white males got a raw deal in america? >> right. right, well, and on campus, i did not ice the quote, but there was one from western, and western has 85% whites on campus. there aren't a whole lot of minority students on the campus represented. students on this campus, and he sard, you know, you come to campus, and if you're black, you can join the arch club, and you have other people who are there for you, but if you're a christian, white, conservative male, you're in the -- you're on your own, and that, i mean, that is his feeling on campus. so this adoption of the discourse is profound, and he believes it. this is not -- to my understanding of this interview as i was talking with him, this was not a -- let me sell the interviewer on this political argument. this is -- i feel like this is on campus. g i say it's a real speech mentality in the majority, so another irony. i dealt with this in writing and social political commentary for quite a number of years. when the uc berkley was included in the western model in your analysis, i certainly quoted experience, and when, for example, in 1996, you had opinions that were at the uc brerkly californian newspaper, matt refers to probably black student recruits from l.a. as crack dealers, and, of course, college republicans brought right winger to camp at least twice. first time on confronted him and sent him running with a question that demolished his whole theory in which i also subsequently had a commentary in the san fransisco chronicle which took on his argument about reparation, so under the main anderson and san fransisco chronicle. >> okay. >> the second time he came, you know, you talked about conserve titch students trying to push buttons. the second time he came, after i felt like i already dealt with him the first time, quite adequately, i told in a public online media, i told progressive students, don't go, just ignore him. make it a nonevent, and he expressed disappointment there were not liberals and conservatives there. otherwise, when it's a situation when i'm not writing formally, this was, you know bark in the day a little, my tactic was not to take this western style conservatives inteejt chewablely seriously, and, in fact, i would take their side and parody them against my progressives, and that flusters the students. my question for you is, and if i can make, like, three very brief ones, and you can answer equally brief, one, there's an illegal alien day that sounds explicitly racist opposed to the bake sale that people want to indirectly say is racist. i don't know. i wonder, did that particular school have any codes about speech? the other question is where are the statings. does this ultimately boil down to, like, you know, to borrow and modify public enemy >> does it boil town do fear of the black and brown planet? at least the universities that i've bandage at in various times, at the coast and midwest, it's incredibly brown even if when's asian. so, you know, does this boil down to -- this is not my parents' university anymore. it is, you know, all the people with all their cultures they identify with and celebrate. this is really threatening me as a generic anglo-white male essentially. >> thank you very much. starting with the first one, the last one first, and sounds like what you say is some of what's said about the tea party; right? that there is too much change happening, we have a black president. we have all of this undeserving people around, and we want to tyke our country back; right? i'm not sure i see that on campuses. neither one is in california. i'll just tell you that. there's not this kind of multicultural experience we get in the university system. it's to the my sense that it's just racial politics or formal. they really hate gender. they are concerned about national security and islamism. it seems to me it's a more general, choosing issues that can get people excited, but those are not the only issues. affirmative action. working backwards, working in la jolla, california, working in a neighborhood of uc san diego, but i'm not 100% sure of that, and i have not net with him, and the book, in a section where i needed to give a flavor, style i couldn't quote directly from the interviewing from the conservative newspapers because that -- anybody with google could type it in and see what campus i was talking about, so i iced a description provided of his own years, coming of age style, which he didn't recall that, and it was just a dead ringer for what the students said, adopted that style were doing. catch an illegal alien day and speech codes, it's interesting to talk with conservatives about what happens when they stage these events because this is where the real victimization, just for -- comes up again, and so when they gave an affirm taif action bake sale or catch an illegal alien day, security comes out, to protect protesters. our cash registers are flip over and money flying and people hurl insults at us, but what the administration does is protect the other side. in fact, there are norms around speech and speech codes, i believe, at the university, and it's a real problem. does that capture that you're getting at? >> why did the university come down on something that seems like pretty explicitly racist speech where i wouldn't even call the bake sale racist per se. you know, unless they had -- cup cakes or something. now that would have been priedier. i guess i wonder where was the university the chancellor, the vice chancellor on that explicit, racist -- >> you know, i'm trying to remember the details of the last big event, and it was at nyu. that was not at a public university. there were, you know, much ink was spilled, a lot of controversy around it, but i don't believe the university shut it down. i think that it just played out naturally, but i could be wrong on that one. >> yeah? >> question 1 on presentation. how does religion and sexual orientation affect the different -- talk to different so-called diversity programs on campuses and how they affect different political styles of this? >> yeah, and so we, in much the same way we didn't find major differences in adoption of cells among students who were fiscally or socially conservative, we did see that religious students and nonreligious students on each campus more or less adopted similar styles, fell into the style there was typical of the campus, and we found differences in women. that was because we studied women more carefully than women or sexual orientation. there's a chapter on conservative femme anymorety, and we were doing interviews around the time, if i may, just to alterer it a little bit, interviews around the time that palin was brought on the ticket, so there's a lot of conversation about what it meant to be a conservative woman, and they were interested to come to understand that to be a conservative woman is to be femme anymore and to dissertation pias liberal feminism because they saw that as narrowing the opportunities for women and directing them more towards careers than they would like to be. they plan to be career women, but closed off opportunities to crews other kinds of womenly endeavors, and they also saw liberal feminism as shutting down the opportunity to embrace a real femme anymorety. we found that interesting. these were, you know, that was the only population that was studied in isolation others. >> how do you feel about sarah palin? >> well, the women love her. this is true at eerch elite and at western. they did not love her entirely, but realize she was a candidate, and they didn't like that she lost, and they didn't like that she couldn't say more, you know, profound things about russia and of that sort, but they did really find her appealing. they found her outside of the old byes' network. they liked it that she brought this feminism to the floor, and they voted for her. >> two last questions. >> all of the people you interviewed coming into campus or some of them talk about becoming activists as a result of the experience will be the result of being the minority? >> yeah. so we found both. we found there was quite a wide range of students pre-college, as they referred to them, some had been active in protests, and one of them staged a fake bill o'reilly debate with a friend of his in high school, and so several of them came on to campus with their activism in hand, and so, for example, the pro-life groups when they staged the action, they were trying it on campus and realized that was not the way, pane some had not been active. some of them had not been very active because they had come from conservative communities, and they never had to think about their conservatism, and it was only once they were up to the liberal university that they needed to express themselves as conservatives. >> okay, a brief follow-up. >> as mod oled, why they are not fitting in the eastern model? >> yeah, you know, i think i asked everything about her. the men did not like her. they saw her as -- they saw her as mccain, contained palin, that was too bad, she was not good with the women, resinated with her being a model for baa it's like to be a conservative woman and having it be all a family career success and so forth, so not all of them agreed with, you know, the way she conducted herself and the way she -- certainly the way she talked about the issues, but they did resinate with the facts of palin. >> okay, one more. >> >> [inaudible] >> another good question. we found that most students came and thought of themselves as generically republican or conservative. there were a few who moved through greater conservative, but we found that in college, students further refinedded how they referred to themselvessings as conservatives. people who initially identified as these became catholic conservatives, and one of our, refers to herself as a crunchy conservative. they are very pro-life, and she's proenvironment, prosocial yts in some other ways, and so things get messier, i guess, when they get to college. >> please join me in thanking her for this wonderful presentation. thank you. [applause] >> thank you. [applause] >> this is our agriculture exhibit, and we hying like the three c's of agriculture, citrus, cattle, and cane. they made florida what it is today. interesting, all three were original by brought over by the spanish in the first inhabitants here in florida. cattle was brought as a food source for the settlement of florida. citrus and cane were cash crops. well, the cattle established itself as almost innative breed here in florida. in fact, the early american settlers who came down here to herd cattle were free roaming, and the florida cowboy or the florida cracker, would herd the cattle once a year in a season when they were bringing them to market, and then they roamed the state. they adapted well to the environment. the florida scrub cattle you see behind me here now was a specie that was predominant here up into the mid 1900s, and was really hearty, could stand the cold in the winter time and heat and humidity, obviously, that we have here, but also did very well in the swamps, and out in the grasses, and the saw grass and so it adopted very well. >> when the united states purchased florida from the spanish, they started the transaction in 1819, completed it in 1821, and at that point, the government was encouraging people to settle florida. one of the main draws to florida was to come here and capture free roaming cattle, and they were using it as a monetary source, and it started in the early 1800s, built all the way through the civil war, and became a very important issue in the civil war. >> profr

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