>> thank you for coming out on this rainy thursday. and thank you to christine and larry for inviting me to the center. for more than half a century, conservative critics housed in think tanks and foundation and the media have championed the cause of conservative college students who they say suffer on college campuses. freefall of the university and tenered radical book tights, they are claiming higher education and liberal, if not radical, factory and middle of the road students misunderstand -- i am sorry, liberal students are smug and feeling they are on the right and conservative students have to decide if they will voice their outrage or listen to the tirade. and well-found organizations have been put in place. the academic bill of rights to legally protect students and we have the american legal foundation as well. the claire booth policy institute is targeted to women and the federalist society or humane studies at george mason university provide internships for budding conservatives. and the list goes on with the support of foundations with many familiar names. while this movement to build a core of young, dependable lawyers, journalist, congressional staff and voters has been a priority of the right and few scientist are study how to mobilize them. we don't know much about the students. how and when did they become conservative. what issues do they care about? who do they know in the larger world of thought? how are their networks formed? and we are let in the dark on how students on the right enact on campus and what language do they use. and how does conservative speech and action vary from campus to campus, if at all. in the absence of good social science research on this, one could have a general sense the conservative group more or less mimic what the gop does. this is where myself and author kate wood come in. we came in with "comparing right" we chose to study an eastern elite private university and western flagship public university we wanted to see how universities were understood to shape politics. social scientist have been interested in universities' effect on their politics and values, but the bulk of this uses national or campus level based on surveys to measure whether students change in their political participation rate like voting and whether that increases or decreases because of college. or it measures if college modifys the polittle -- political -- orientation. what the political socialization can't do, it wasn't designed to do, is consider the multiple ways that college campuses as interactional settings, which are made up of organizational features, housing, class size, student to faculty ratio and cultural undering of who we are on the campus and how these features might be giving meaning to and shape young people's ideas. by using methods in in-depth work and conservative organizations, we wanted to see if and how universities play a significant role in constituting new political idea and discovering new models for actions. kate and i are not alone in how we think college campuses should be understood as general systems of learning other than previously formed one. we position our study on the same bookshelves that show how universities act as hubs and incubators work. in the med midwest, they have party dorms and this creates the identity of partyers in schools. and look at how the boarding schools produce people. and in particular, i will draw your attention to myvarious studies about higher education in different ways chatter unique identity and lifestyle possibilities. because we need to learn more about the politician of the right in our polarized society, there is a new body of work that focuses on christian conservative or among women, but also on fiscal. the infrastructure, the think tanks, the foundations, the university centers and on the historical advent of an anti-establishment and new projects on the tea party, i have indicated a few of the research projecprojected on the, but i am talking about bringing them together to look at how university campuses and today's colleges intersection and college shapes the nature, and activities and the formation of political conservative selves. i want to talk about the case study schools and the sample first. as i started thinking about the project in the summer of 2006, i had a whole bunch of case study campus i thought i might look at. as many as six at one time. i selected eastern elite and western to summarize the differences and similarities to yield insight i mind not -- i would not -- from a singular study. they are both secular, both are research one meaning they research is a primary focus of faculty. both of those are in the conservative spotlights as liberal bastians. so you might here complaints about these universities on that side. one is private and one is public with all of the differences this makes into student life. they differ in who tay take. eastern elite 1-11. western public takes 1-2. they differ in size. eastern 7,000 and western public has about 25,000 students are a student faculty ratio to 18-1. and eastern is one of the most prestegis schools in the world and eastern is known to be a party school. students can enjoy a recreational atmosphere there. to find interviewees for the study, i started with clubs that posted on the internet. in 2008, and this is before the emergence of the tea party. i interviewed leaders of the college republicans, pro-life groups, conservative newspaper writers, and for the mainstream newspaper, anti-gun gun control groups. mostly these were active conservative on campus. they had a reputation to being con conservative and i was able to find students who were more active behind the scenes. i conducted 50 students and alumni interviews in all and this is supplemented by faculty and leaders and other folks. demograph demographically, on both campus campuses, as you would expect, most of these students were predominantly white, more men than women, and generally religious. ran the gamut from being very religious to kind of spiritual but not religious. and we had a few agnostic and atheist in the group. they tended to come from extensive variances. we had a few students at western and eastern whose parents went to college, one or two who graduated from high school and advanced degrees as well. so they were not as different on social class as you would think in studying an elite private and public university. let's get to the findings in the book now. this focuses on one of the issues i raised about the presumed conservative college students across the country and i will do this by drilling down on political styles on the case study campuses. i am not talking about students and alums and the doctrines they adhere to. i do this because in our polarized environment and within the republican party itself we are seeing that the styles of politics are becoming as important as the ideas of politics in so far as particular styles are lead to animosity, gridlock and lack of compromise. it is 2008 and members of the college republican at western flagship have staged a bake sale that is well-known piece of theater they use selling cookies at higher price than they do the different races. it has a point of view, but when students at western talk about what it is like to stage the eve event, it is clear they revel in the activity it stirs up. one says we're out there and for about half an hour community members come by and said i am a white guy and i have to pay a dollar. people were getting into it. this bake sale from not western prices were inflated. of course, there is a noon time rally organized by the diversity thugs, by which he means politically correct groups. they have bullhorns and signs and i have no problem with protesters. and another student said if you wake up and come to school in the morning and someone calls you a bigot, you know you are going to have a good day. this event is a fairly large number of actions that conservative student age along side catch-10 illegal alien and one student labelled illegal and they try to catch him or and the global warming beach party where students mock the idea of global change with beer and sunscreen. and mocking the coming out day. and they are promoted by organizations that spend several thousands a year. and at eastern elite, the bake sale is not welcomed. conservative undergraduates deannounce confr activities lik. one said i don't think anything is helpful. one person walks up and realizes this is a bake sale and realizes that is a great example of the problems. put no, the only thing i see is divisiveness and lack of communication. others say it would be unsuitable for the campus. instead of provoking they use civilized discourse and engage liberals in discussion and argue with facts and research or that is the stated intent. we found at eastern the style that provocs and we were told not to use them. and we had posters like life starts and ends at such and such and it is planned parenthood. they go on to say the pro-life groups started different campaigns in lights of failure for baby bottles and pregnancy counseling and work would the crazy-women center on campus as many were called. they didn't like what they were stirring up at eastern unlike western. and at western students shunned the more respectable style because it isn't conservative enough and it is lame. so these two styles don't meet on these two campus. each is the dominant form of expression, we found there are two submerged styles used. no one style is completely am n ammonlithic. they were happy to engage in campaigning styles but this is coming under attack on both campus. it isn't used at western much and which it is it is called an ab abomination because it kisses the butt of gops. and at eastern, they say why would students want to come eastern and work at phone banks. even when students are rejecing t the style there is a unique campus reason behind it. and this last style thrives in the passengges of the conservat style at eastern. it is philosophical essays about multiculture or gender sensitivity and these use are not much different, but the expression is different. activism means going on the square and riling people up. this is an arch style. just to summarize the set of findings. at western private, they like to provoc and the campaigning style isn't not seen to be appropriate for fun-loving college students. at eastern elite, civilized d discourse predominants and the campaigning style is subo subordenant. perhaps this is a matter of selection. eastern elite stupidity students are more defined as they walk on to campus and this style makes sense to them. western conservative they come to campus ready to rumble. we do see the impact of selection, it can't give us an a complete understanding of what we are seeing on the campus. eastern elite families come from affluent families and more education in their back ground which maybe the origin of greater respect for others. but they were hardly taught these skills. they learned many once they arrived at school. like the peers at western, eastern students had staged abortion protest and watched fox news and visited websites of national corporations, but eastern students didn't seem to lean into this style as the western ones did. when we looked at students conservati conservative beliefs we found they were quite similar in several ways. i think go into more detail about this in q and a. but students agree about the need for small government and the nanny state problems. and they are advocating for low taxes. ... what we might call slash and burn tactics that look like similar to what we saw used at western so the fact that a provactive style is in the cultural air at the broadest level of society and politics but typical of whether or not eastern students required explanation. so what is the story? i'm going to move through now a bit more data again before offering our cultural and organizational analysis of how universities matter for the development of students conservative style. you know, interviewee gave us a variety of reasons why they choose to be confrontational. all they said that confronting liberals is essential for aling with a sense of marginalization that they feel on their campus. they refer to faculty transgressions that alienate them such as being served out to offer the conservative perspective on some topic and class. they talk about their peers behavior not listening to them or harassing their speakers. an they point to the overall liberal feel in the community where flagship is located. all of this gives the confrontational style legitimacy in their eyes, they have to fight back. interviewees said it is fun. playing got you with liberals. one student says angry liberals tend to be conservative activists bread an butter. i mean, college republicans will do silly, stiewptd stuff often very purposefully to get people's emotions to come out. the idea here is that if they push liberals buttons and they fly off the handle and respond angerly, this just proves how fundamentally they are in the first place an gratifying to see everybody's true stipes. if c-span weren't filming this, i would tell you about a gender study professor at the university of iowa. who took exception to college republicans qeivetive conservative coming and dropped an f-bomb to college republicans. and you can see her as being exhibit a for precisely what the college republican os on that campus were up to. they wanted to push buttons. have liberals speak out against them and then they could point to the faculty as being the problem. now also mentioned that on a campus like theirs, it was necessary to go big in order to get attention. whether this was from a classmates or those who dismissed the perspective the not only that but the media love it when you say an event and so do potential political employers. one of our interviewee said if you're perceived as a conservative message to evil, western, flagship and all of the socialists up there, you can have any job you want. now, this interviewee is also dead serious about the positive effects that rhetoric can have for him later. students have an eye on their future careers an at western if you want to get into politics which many of these students do. students get a confrontational style to be a boom for their career paths. now putting on my analytical hat here how does western public university culturally and organizally incubate these students taste for provocation? assuming that they didn't just come to campus ready to go after liberals. but first thing that is important to note is that western is a large had state school where only about 25% of students live on campus, an only a handful have eating plans and dining halls. altogether about 75% of students commute. now, what we know from the literature about these kinds of living patterns, is that college, in college a peaceful cluster with people who are most like them off campus. there's a strong pull toward similarity. and if they're not university interventions in the form of political organizations or town hall things of that sort this multiplies. and what this means for conservatives at western is there are few opportunities for students of unlike mind to get to know one another. this organizational feature of the campus is housing, contributes to real and perceived understand those from the other side of the political fence and leads to a weak set of community norms for respectful political discussions and in turn fewer constraints an provoking their peers an faculty. afterall, if you don't know any black students or any latino students by name then it is easier to set up a sign selling cookies to them or suggesting that they're illegal aliens. so our argument is that dining features and other kind of social features lead to thinner opportunities for building social capital across heterogeneous peer license and that is provocative. second confrontational. second students at western have much less personal contact with faculty. some say eastern students do, first as i said before there's a larger student to faculty ratio at western pl. second students take their classes and mostly large lecture format an third and not importantly, although you might not think about it off the top of your head, there's an impersonal lottery registration system for getting into courses in the first place. and i was surprised to hear in the interviews that i conducted, how much this was talked about. but what i figured out was what it means is that students aren't getting into the classes that they do want and they end up in classes that they don't and while this depersonalized system has alienating effects on all students at western and certainly does at ucsd liberal moderate conservatives. for students on the right who have already been primed by national conservative organizations to regard the professors who mistrust. it increases their level of suspicion about faculty and again it lowers the barriers to more aggressive confrontation. you don't know your professors then it is easier to caricature them as evil socialists. finally, we find that the institutional at western is culture or it is organizal saga. say, the major role in how students understand themselves even in the political realm, western is a party school. if you look at us news and world report you see recreation emphasized and we argue in our book that the provocative style of conservatism fits well with students understanding of their campus as a fun place to be and where college students were supposed to have fun. we don't want to play it safe while we're here. there's a sense among western conservatives that college is a time when they should play and set traps to liberals an safety makes their conservative points work better on their campus. so for both organizal an cultural reason we argue provocation sits at the style for conservatives at western. even while they share much the same ideological tenanta at eastern. why is it important to qeivetive students to have a self-proclaimed civilized way and appear respectful to peers and professors? to answer this question i'm referring to one more quote because it is worth telling. eastern college republican said, at a lot of -- whereas a lot of republican message on other campuses is structured around the big eye-grabbing attention getting things because you have 60,000 students on campus for more interested in the fraternity party at eastern in a way you get to students is much different because people are willing to go to a discussion seminar with an eminent academic. you don't have to be out on the scwawtd protesting in order to get people's attention. one can see very clearly in this quote that eastern students are aware of what other college students are doing on their campuses. and what the student is saying that is hannah's classmates are free not to pursue such baifg basic populous ends. a assistant to one of george b. bush's political strategist he was taking the semester off to work with the strategist who is no strange ire to confrontation you have to take my word on that but i can't say his name in the presentation. but while this student was working for this strategist an leaned into more confrontational style for national politics, when he was on campus, he argued that provocation wouldn't work there. and one overarching eclipsed all others as we asked students about this and what they said was that we engage in discussion and respectful exchange at eastern because dot dot dot -- this is oorn. we're part of a special elite community made of world class faculty and highly talented classmates they're important and now they're important later. and we have the luxury and privilege of being responsible people in this context. also interesting, though, is that eastern interviewee said it was felt to be an obligation. they're compelled to engage in appropriate interactions. compelled to not put on events that would make them feel uncomfortable an think of the blood spatters on the pro-life posters i mentioned earlier which were immediately not -- >> this discomfort isn't good. being at ease is good and students just discussion of the ease that schools teach them to embody. most students do not come to campus already perfectly educated in refinement. they learn to be civil once they get to campus with one another in their conservativism. they're taking on something like a collective eminence by students at eastern. i should also add that students at eastern have a fixed eye on their future careers. but unlike students at western, eastern students are convinced that for the types of futures they'll be having applying for full bright, taking clerkships, heading off to mckin subsidy or goldman sachs a bake sale won't look so good on resumés while they're in college. so clearly there's an institutional manufacture at eastern of being in a special economic community that shapes conservatives files. but we see this cultural seesaw bolstered by campus. they keep them on campus all four years an the well known clusters that live with many others for years. the campus is smaller than at western. means people know each other at least minimally by face. they feel more accountable to one another. and students eat communally in dining halls all four years in a way the students describe this is that they live in an eastern elite bull. self-contained sorel scene which wee argue conservative students ready to go rogue and some students admit it would be fun. i can go on about class size, registration procedures more tailored to the individual student, and other economic features like students more personal relationship with faculty but you probably get the picture that organizally eastern looks different than western. and that is a consequence of all of the cultural meanings and arrangements eastern conservative students even while they say they suffer from marginalization, still feel that they're part of the university's deep and manufactured community. such a sense of community rules out for most conservatives that activist provocative style. despite the style that's been vigorously promoted in gop politics an that is used on other campuses. so let me wrap up, i want to emphasize again that students and what western and eastern from their self reports were more similar in their styles at the time that they entered college than at the time that we interviewed them. two, three, four, more years in. many before entering college have written conservative blogs, they've certainly read them. they've attended protest, debated politics with their families, they have events in high school and so on. it is also important to note, again, that while eastern students were more likely in the aggregate to have upper middle class backgrounds might translate to a taste for a more -- civil discourse style, interview ees came from family of capital patterns arguing against the position that we're simply seeing campus styles reflecting precollege habits. and we're arguing for the idea that campuses create pathways to particular types of conservatism. this is important in a couple of ways. for one, the project helps us understand more about the lives of these students. how they think themselves and how they conduct their activities an also about the variety of styles an dispositions among conservative students which we wouldn't know with more generallyized media accounts or from critique emanating from conservatives. organizations -- second, the project also helps us understand more about how college campuses act as incubators for certain kinds of political styles and not others. you have that thus far, a political style are not just a reflection of individual choices, and they are developed, they're shared cultural in interaction with others in local settings as well as in dialogue with broader cultural politics. and styles -- we also learned from this research that political mobilization is closely connected to the long-term professional project that these students envision themselves having. the jobs they want, where they see themselves in ten years, although i wasn't able to talk about this at length in today's projects are highly contingent on the particular campus one goes to particularly and thinking about one's role in national regional politics. and politics careers, universities, styles, discourses, about all of these have to be studied part impartial with one another in an organizational context. finally, the project gives us insight into conservative politics at large. and the provocative style has gotten a lot of play and leverage in today's republican apparatus that is an understatement. ideology has been researched focused of people studying conservatism. in the last couple of years in the wake of the tea party more writers and commentators clued into this. but at the time that kate and i were conducting our work there was more attention to content then there was to forms. but forms shouldn't be overlooked in today's world, polarizing politics have been a grave mistake to ignore the file and we would argue that it is as serious a mistake to study where they are fostered on college campuses. so with that i'll end and thank you so much for your attention. [applause] >> thank you very much. i think you stay here. >> is that right? >> and we'll have questions from the audience. please. >> yes. >> thank you very much. >> on campus here attended maybe three federalist society presentations into law school which is kind of an odd combination. they're the minority but also it is kind of elite and even though it is public service and it is kind of stands out from the general crowd. so not sure what the venue is part of arrangement venue there. but they've always got more often than other groups in the law school organized presentations and there are quite a few. maybe eight or ten during the week. they only stage it as a debate and they always give and invitee isn't always a conservative but they might offer just or conservative meal and then they'll purposely have a liberal -- stand-in liberal respond. so it kind of crosses the boundaries that debate makes it confrontational potentially, the people are very often on their best behavior and it is kind of a mixture of all of that. i wanted to point that out. i want to ask a second and last question, are we talking about undergraduates? >> yes. >> not graduated because it is a researched university so, you know, graduates are -- not doing either or what is going on with them. >> right, thank you. >> well two points about federal society first. if i may, i would say with the federal societien gauging in is civilized discourse. as we describe it in the book there's a lot of interest in engaging others in debate and having, you know, fantastic conversation about one's position but it is not a quality to it. so the federal society is one of those intellectual organizations that i named early on. which has done a lot of work mobilizing conservative jurists and law students so i would say that fits extremely well. as the civilized discourse style and you know, a very elite university so it makes sense that that university and law school would make sense that that would take place there. i would say. your second question about graduate students. we had in our mix both undergrads focus on undergraduates because so much of the conservative critique is about undergraduates. so i really -- at the point that i was selecting da it and doing the research, it was really only i who was there. kate wood came on later so when i refer to i i don't mean to be -- narcissistic but just accurate. so i really wanted to focus on precisely the group that the conservative critics and that journalist frequently talked about. and we didn't get a whole lot of information about graduate students. among our alumni there were several more in law school at the time. but i wouldn't be able to really speak to patterns among graduate students at their universities. thanks. more important if you could draw a conclusion about whether the style of the conservative actions on campus extended past campus an graduation. so do conservatives become out of, you know, populous western universities, do they act differently after graduation in the political arena? >> well, so i have not done that research. i have not looked at kind of tracing who legislators were or various in public office. where they've come from school that would be a great project. so one thing that i do know about their future is what they say about the kinds of jobs that they want to get later. right? so i said that job aspirations were a really important component to how these students were thinking about their politics on campus. if you were thinking that you would go into regional politics which is what a lot of the western students said that they were going to go into. this kind of mudslinging and populous style they thought would be quite useful to them. where as as a eastern what i found out was that most of these students were actually going into finance and consulting like so many other eastern students liberal, moderate, or otherwise. and there, you know, this kind of civilized would be quite useful. right, not various sorts of power and those with different perspectives and out into the larger society i can think of what they might be like based on what they were talking about in terms of their futures. over here. >> i really enjoyed your presentation. i was wondering what a longer term implication of the conservative movement but i also wondered if you were able -- i know it is hard to interview everybody but if you were ail to see what the impacts of the context were on liberal groups on the same campus and did you see sort of similar forms on both of the campuses? >> yeah, and i think that is a really important question. this could be all well and good about talking about how conservatives respond it their contest. but is it just the organizational and cultural features that create everybody on campus? and again, i didn't collect data on that i could hear what had they said about their liberal peers. my conjecture on had is that on both campuses, these styles with the exception of the provocation style at eastern which is a literary arch style, that we would see much the same styles for liberal students as well. because these organizal feature and so strong at these two schools. however, liberal students don't, i would guess that liberal students might not think about the purpose of their styles as much. so at western public these students really thought about what it meant to be confrontational. i have to do this because i'm in the minority and people recognize that i'm here dammit. i have to do this so that not everybody thinks that only liberals go here. and liberal students don't have that same sense of their place on campus. equally at eastern i would say that students there liberal students there don't have to kind of play against typing with the conservative students do. that they also feel more comfortable on campus. an that they are also kind of also schooled in the eminence that you talk about. >> thanks -- for a really great session. i wish i had access to your book while i was writing. interested about your thoughts of sort of duck tail of what you were talking about. the victimization that is portrayed as, you know, being a minority on campus. if, in fact, the numeric minority is different than put out. how does this happen? that people perhaps that are affiliated with some of the most powerful institutions and families and lineage i'm interested on your thoughts how that happens. >> a quick pro quo in terms of what are the numbers of students on campus just to get those kinds of facts out. we used survey data from the higher research institute harry to look at patterns across time in combination with our own interviews and field work an we found that over time, the percentage of the liberals and conservatives, you know, hover around 20% or at least that is where we end up today. now, on this is very interesting actually. on campuses like eastern elite, the number of conservatives is again at about 20% but relative to liberals, they're way outnumbered about 50% of students on elite, private universities like this one consider themselveses lirl and a number consider themselves moderate and at a university like public moderate and liberals are reversed. so actually about the same name of liberals in the same number of conservatives and the vast majority are not -- not vast but 50% of students on campus are moderate. so how is this? you know, there's arguments that they are in the numeric minority but really at least that western public where people -- confrontationally present themselves they're about equal with liberal. and i think that victimization, i've talked with a few conservative critics who were also concerned about this stance. but that is what so much of the national conservative discourse is really made up of. and you can see that it is really immobilizing technique. you need us, come to our conferences. read our stuff. do the kinds of projects that are fun to do. get in people's faces. use the activism mentality. it is a much more inviting kind of stance. let's show the eastern elite students turn their backs a little bit on the victimization. because a profile, because they just didn't think it was very becoming. this would think of themselves as also being highly honored, respected? and so forth. >> does that answer your question? right to. with the national survey is very crude how do you see yourself? very liberal, liberal, a middle-of-the-road, a conservative, very conservative. they have not had conservative students with that distinction. >> these conservative students are a minority on the campuses to engage in the self victimization that they constantly accuse people of color. i thought that was interesting. >> can i say something about back? indeed it is ironic also is true maybe that is not needed, but this is what some of the reflective conservatives are thinking about to engage in the discourse of other people's victimization. and what the national organizations were doing is using that rhetoric. that this has been wrong that the people in the minority are the conservative. >> so the black male got the raw deal in america. >> writes. on the campus i did not use this but there is a'' from people put out earlier and western has 85 percent white on campus there is not a lot of minority students on this campus. he said you come to campus if you were black you could join the african american club and other people were there but if you were christian, white, conservati ve male you are on your own. that is his feeling. so then adoption of the discourse was quite profound. and to my a understanding as i was talking with him let me sell the interviewer on this particular argument. i feel like this on my campus. >> i would say it is a real theme and mentality when you are in the majority. with this toshio political commentary, when berkeley would be included in the western model with your analysis and i sort of experienced it here in berkeley where in 1996 you have uc-berkeley daily californian newspaper referred to potential back -- black student records and of course, the college republicans brought a the right wing david horowitz to campus at least twice. the first time, one question that demolished his whole theory that i also subsequently carried in the "san francisco chronicle" that turned down the argument about reparations under the name of joseph anderson. , the second time, talk about conservative students pushing buttons. that is when i felt i had already dealt with him the first time adequately. i told online public media and the progressive students just ignore him which actually happened and he expressed disappointment there no liberals there. so if it is a situation and this was back in the day day, the strategy was not to take the intellectual seriously but i would take their side to parity against my progressive colleagues or comrades and that really fluster the conservative movement. my question for you, three very brief ones. it is catching the illegal alien day. that seldom explicitly racist as opposed to a bake sale. so did that particular school have any space -- speech codes about racist speech? and i have not have been a long time and the final question does this ultimately boil down to borrow and modify the public enemy to fear of the black and brown planet? with the universities that i have been that -- at it is incredibly brown even when asian. does this boil down that this is not my parents university any more? of these people with their cultures that they identify with them to celebrate that it threatens the generic anglo institution? >> host: thank you. i will start with the first. it sounds like what you say is what is being said ferris is too much change happening we have a black president. undeserving people around. we want to take our country back. and i am not sure that i really see that on the campuses. they are predominantly right -- white. neither one is in california. also there is not the multi-cultural experience that we get at the university of california system. with is not my sense it is not just racial politics. they really are concerned about national security. they really despise. so it seems it is a more general choosing hot-button issues with the western public campus coming issues to get people excited. but catch the illegal alien day and affirmative-action commented dash to susan of working backwards i believe is living in california i heard he is in the neighborhood of san diego by and not 100 percent sure in this section where i really needed to give a flavor of the style i could not'' directly from the conservative newspapers because then anybody could figure out who i was talking about summer used a description that he provided of his own coming-of-age style and it was a dead ringer. catching illegal alien day and speech codes. it is interesting to talk with conservatives when they staged these events because this is where the real victimization discourse comes up again. when they staged affirmative action or catch illegal alien day, what they say is security comes out to it -- protect the protesters. our cash registers are flipped over with money flying but what the administration does is protect the other side. there are other norms around speech codes in these guys see that as a real problem. does that capture what you were getting at? >> so why did it the universities come down on something that was explicitly racist speech where i would not even call it racist person a? unless it was a catch a slave. [laughter] so i guess i wonder the chiseler or vice chancellor on that explicit racist? >> i am trying to remember the details of the last big event of the catch the illegal alien day that was said nyu not at a public university. there was a lot of controversy about it but i don't believe university shut them down. i think it just played out naturally. but i could be wrong. >> my question, how does religion to talk to diversity clubs or programs and with those different styles? >> in much the same way we didn't find major differences in adoption of those that were fiscally conservative for socially conservative. we did see that religious students and on religious students were more or less adopted the styles and fell into the style that was typical of their campus. where we did find differences was women because we studied with been more carefully with a whole chapter on conservative femininity. we did in interview, if i may alter your question, we we're doing these interviews when sarah palin was on the ticket so there was a lot of conversation to be a conservative woman. we came to understand to be feminine, to despise the liberal feminism because they saw that as narrow wings the opportunities to direct them were set to the careers that they would like to me they wanted to be career women but liberal feminism would close off opportunities to choose other kinds of endeavour's. they also saw liberal feminism to shut down to embrace a real femininity. but that was the only population that we studied in isolation. >> sarah taylor and? >> no women loved her. this is true of western and eastern he leads. they did not love her entirely of realized she was a flawed candidate they do not like that she lost and could not save more for things about russia but they did find her appealing outside of the old boys' network. >> of all the people you interviewed coming into the campus or did they talk about the activist. >> we found both. there was quite

Related Keywords

United States , Berkeley , California , San Diego , Russia , San Francisco , Iowa , America , Californian , American , Jerry Muller , David Horowitz , Goldman Sachs , Sarah Taylor , Joseph Anderson , George B Bush , Sarah Palin ,