of ayman, dangerous words. donald trump's escalating attacks on the judges and prosecutors involve his criminal cases. plus, second term warning. and alarming new report about the no holds barred's legal minds trump once and his administration. and mac up max jansen's ties to the christian nationalist movement in this country. i'm ayman mohyeldin, let's get started. anytime that you are alone bait looking over your shoulder. that was just one of the threats fbi investigators say an alabama man left on the voice mail of fulton county district attorney fani willis on august 6th. days before she brought charges against donald trump and 18 of his associates for seeking to overturn the 2020 election. and there were many more direct -- willis and fulton county sheriff patrick labonte both were not going to repeat them here. this week, federal prosecutors announced after right hansen, the second is now facing two counts of transmitting and estate threats to injure willis and labonte. not the timing of this is noteworthy, because one day before hansen left his voice ma on august 5th, a texas woman allegedl delivered a death threat to the new chambers of china chutkan presiding over that federal election interference case and washington d.c.. and then on august 4th, before any of the threats were made, the ex president published now infamous social media post declaring in all caps, if you go after me i'm coming after you. trump publicly attacked his previous enemies, with alternate before. all but explicitly directing his followers to engage in a targeted harassment campaign against these judges. and the threats? well, they keep rolling in. trump almost certainly knows how this pattern works by. now he saw just how great his influence over his supporters was on january the 6th. in the months before the insurrection, he was favoring the posting, campaigning to sow doubt and get people riled up about election fraud we all know did not exist. and that we're witnessing trump take a similar track, as he faces consequences for those actions. on thursday, at a rally in houston, texas trump entered with a song by the so-called january 6th choir. a group of inmates, detained on charges related to the insurrection. he called his individuals hostages. he didn't do it once. he did it twice. earlier the day he took to his failed social media site to smear judge arthur and karen who is presiding over his new york civil fraud trial as a quote, trump hating radical left democrat operative. trump's words. what point we question if donald trump's real goal here is to actually produce not just threats of violence but actual violence. perhaps even another january 6th. in front of the show -- right in the nation this, week trump strikes don't help his case, don't help his po numbers, and certainly don't help with all the criminal trials waiting for him once this civil one wrapup. trump's torching violence for the sake of violence. there is no upside alvaro than his own lost for bloody retribution. >> join me now this hour -- msnbc political analyst anthony james s mcdonald with a professor at princeton university. -- former federal prosecutor -- and michelle goldberg, msnbc political analyst and a columnist for the new york times. great to have all three of you with us. eddie, let me start with you. i'm curious to hear your thoughts on your colleagues put a friend of this network, someone we speak to frequently and what his take was that trump's threats -- it's not about politics. they don't help his case -- he's courting violence solely for the sake of violence. >> i understand what's behind kelly's formulation, but i think he's a little bit more strategic. i think trump according violence, as actually trying to force those who are trying to prosecute him to pause, to think twice. so there's always the calculation what will it mean for that nation for us to hold this man accountable? and if his second amendment people, remember he described his people as second amendment people when he was running against hillary clinton. if those people pose a genuine, violent threat maybe they will pause. so i understand what the guy saying but i also think there are some strategic dimension to what trump is trying to do here. >> that's a very interesting point. but raising the stakes, and making it costly for these decision-makers about how to persuade the oath him twice and perhaps not want to pay that price. renata, when you are issuing or expanding this gag order that we saw against trump, to you think the judges are considering the possibility of this violence directed not just work them or their clerks, but the broader public? >> i do. i think it's most acute in the case of the judge arthur engoron in new york -- being harassed not by trump but his lawyers, using that as a tactic to get around the gag order placed on trump. i like the professor i think this is strategic. trump is going to lose this trial. he's basically already lost the. question is how badly is he going to lose. and i think he's trying to create a new bogeyman for his supporters to go after. he wants to blame the system, blame the process. stirrup hatred. and distract from the real issues here. so if he can create some sort of a first amendment issue, he can say he's being silenced or gag, ultimately that's good for trump. and so he's really trying to create a stage show for really what we should be talking about, the fact he committed fraud. the fact he's about to lose that fraud trial and the fact he's going to be convicted, very likely, of crimes. in addition to them. >> michelle, if the average person had posted on social media anything that fanned the flames of an event, i wouldn't remotely, even close to insurrection, automation will be far more careful with how people act online going forward, those individuals. and yet, trump here is doubling down. what do you see his ultimate strategy is? >> look, i think if an average person who was you know, under multiple criminal indictments, posted threats against law enforcement and judicial personnel, and was fined twice and kept doing it, they would be locked up. and so, we have seen trump be tweeted with kid gloves. and i think part of a strategy is to ensure he's continue to be treated with kid gloves. like a.d., i think he is trite dormant to make anyone can involved in these cases during twice. and also trump has this history of finding ordinary people involved in bureaucratic administration of democracy, demonize and then, seeking his followers on of. then we saw this ruby freeman, and with other people. that's what he's doing to this clerk in the new york courthouse whose life is likely being turned upside down by him leading this conspiracy theory. and similarly when mckay cabins, the writer at the atlantic interviewed mitt romney for his book, mitt romney said the other senators have wanted to vote to convict donald trump, but hesitated refused, because they knew it would require them to hire security for themselves and their family. so donald trump already has seen the way his threats are able to have, in the past, brought him immunity. >> eddie, do we have a historical precedent for a time like this when the standard bearer of a major political party conducts himself, i would argue, like a mob boss seemingly with no concern whatsoever for the violence his supporters engage in? and no violence has been a hallmark of some of your politics for decades but to have it is the hallmark of a party and the standard bearer of that party, seems unprecedented to me. but correct me if i'm wrong. >> i think it's unprecedented in relation to a former president of the united states, but it's not unprecedented in terms of the political party. when you think about the reconstruction, the assault on the effort to pin a genuine democracy there is an all out effort that is violent. it's extremely violent. to undermine democratic processes, to include the formerly enslaved and do the body politic. and it had everything to do with attacking poll workers, attacking folk at the local level who are trying to simply in some ways implement the changes the shift in american society. so there is a sense in which the specter of violence and the act of violence to be a part of american politics for a long, long time. and so, here we have, in this moment, something unprecedented, it's the president. we have the specter of violence. and we have the possibility, actually, of real violence, which we've seen. >> renato, the judge and donald trump's civil fraud trial issued a gag order on his lawyers, saying they're repeated inappropriate remarks about court staff and the hundreds of threats the court has received since the trial began were contributing to that. how unusual is a move like that to be issued against a lawyer? >> it is incredibly unusual. i have to tell you a man when i'm in front of a judge particularly when it's a bench trial there is no jury. and i'm trying to convince the judge of something. going out of my way to violate the judges orders is basically the last thing that i possibly would be considering doing. so very, very personal strategic and i would really think they were carrying donald trump's water here. i think this is liberal move to try to provoke the judge, to try to create a sideshow to try to create some episodes that could be shown in supporters to make it look what the judge is biased, creates an issue. that's what i think that we're doing here and i think the judge's right to act against that. because ultimately they are enabling him. and it's got to be frustrating for the judge. because usually lower respect judges. we respect the judiciary. that's actually part of our professional responsibility. and it's shameful what the floors are doing. >> michelle, i've got to ask you to take a step back and look at the picture between now and the election. you've put these trials, their potential outcome. we've got the primaries, we've certainly caught -- the republican convention. what are the chances that we, we even have these trials in places like colorado and elsewhere that may prevent trump from being on the ballot that would actually add to the pressure. that when you take a step back and survey the landscape, of all of these things to potentially build the pressure, how likely are we to see a repeat of january the 6th, more violence more protests, and the way donald trump wants his followers to engage? >> look, i don't doubt there is going to be violence in the run up to the 2024 election. i'd be extraordinarily surprised if there wasn't. but i also think we need to be -- the incredibly chilling possibility donald trump could simply won this election and the polls show he is, sometimes a fraction of a point ahead sometimes a fraction of a point behind the theorists winning states. he might be kicked off the ballot in colorado he's probably never going to win colorado. and he's telling us, every single day how he would govern. and yet the election many people have said this but the strategy to win the election is a strategy to blustery through these trials, one and the same, because the things on the change at this point of skating on these many, many charges is to win the election and harness the power of the state on his behalf. >> panel, play stick around. we have got a lot more to discuss. including a new report about how donald trump and his backers dangerously what more risk taking, aggressive floors and a possible second term. we heard michelle talk about that a second ago. but first richard lui is here with us. akins >> some of the stores what on the steps. secretary of state anthony blinken, met with hartman interest from middle east nations in jordan. blinken and little does agree on a cease-fire, egypt cold front won a mediately with no conditions. the u.s. and jordan said they merely want a pause in fighting. that search continues for victims of friday's 5.6 magnitude earthquake in nepal. 137 people are confirmed dead as of now. dozens more injured. officials cautioning the death toll is likely to rise as damaged communications to the area but congress toward. and india's capital had the worst air quality of any city in the world, friday. air quality index there hit 500 in new delhi. that's the highest measurement will go. that's 100 times the limit that the world health organization says is healthy. more ayman with ayman mohyeldin after the break. after the break. vaccine used to prevent lower respiratory disease from rsv in people 60 years and older. arexvy does not protect everyone and is not for those with severe allergic reactions to its ingredients. those with weakened immune systems may have a lower response to the vaccine. the most common side effects are injection site pain, fatigue, muscle pain, headache, and joint pain. i chose arexvy. rsv? 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[laughter] professor, your thoughts on this. what does it say about the scope of trump's second term administration is that he doesn't even do the federalist society is conservative enough for his planned agenda? >> he says that a second trump agenda is the end of american democracy. or a dam near will be. and look. we see the kind of thin line, ayman, between those who believe and a kind of expensive executive branch and imperial presidency, and those who believe in an autocratic strongman, with that democratic constraint. so bill barr believed in an imperial presidency, an expanded executive power. and we see those republicans, going back to nixon, and all those folks that came out of the administration, who believed in this idea of executive power, unchecked by, in some ways, the branches. but with trump and stephen miller, and those folk, it's not about expanded executive power. it's about an strong man who will dismantle checks and balances. who will fundamentally undermined the foundations of american democracy. this should let democrats know that this is a five alarm fire. they need to get busy. because if this man wins, the republic is in jeopardy. >> i'm not sure they feel it's a five alarm fire right now on any of the front they were dealing with. certainly here domestically and overseas. re