Africanamericans come to congress in the 19th century is not one a lot of people are familiar with. We actually had 22 africanamericans serve between 1870 and 1901. 20 in the house, two in the senate. Its largely a house story. And it has to do with the role of congress during the civil war and the in decade after. During the civil war there were a group of radicals in congress, radicals because they believed in the equality of africanamericans and wanted to create a society in the south after the war that was a multiracial society. These were radicals in the house like Thaddeus Stevens who was chairman of the ways and Means Committee and a very powerful leader. Also people like henry winter davis. In the Senate People like charles somner and benjamin wade. And they led to not only prosecute the war more vigorously but also to have a reconstruction after the war but was one that was not so lenient towards Southern States and was going to ensure that Political Rights were extended to africanamericans. So the war ends in 1865, but how do you get from 1865 to the first africanamerican members of congress . Because it doesnt happen right that day. Doesnt happen right away, but the role of the radicals if anything becomes even more assertive after the end of the war. After lincolns assassinated president johnson takes over and has a even more lenient view than lincoln of how the Southern States are going to be readmitted and hes pushed constantly by the radical republicans. In a very short period of time, roughly four or five years they pass a series of constitutional amendments and also laws that bring about the equality of africanamericans in the south. That starts in early 1865 with the passage of the 13th amendment, and thats ratified later that year banning slavery, outlawing slavery once and for all in the u. S. But then followed up by some major legislation by the Civil Rights Act of 1866 which extended Citizenship Rights to the freed men and then subsequently constitutional amendments like the 14th amendment which guaranteed Citizenship Rights. The bill of the 15th amendment which guaranteed voting rights. And then also a series of reconstruction acts that divided the south into military districts and gave power to Union General tuesday run those districts politically essentially, to setup elections and to ensure that africanamericans could come to the polls under the new laws and amendments that have been passed. You know, in the house collection we have a number of imms, prints mostly from news weeklies. This is one right here from 1866. The scene outside the galleries of the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1866 youre talking about, and theres great jubilation. And we have some from the passage also those amendments youre talking about. In all of them people seem really excited and delighted at this level of progress. So its certainly being portrayed in the public eye as something thats wonderful and great and terrific. So then is it sort of a lag of a few years from those things being passed to then states being able to elect africanamerican members . So what goes into place in the Southern States is our republican reconstruction governments. Its by that point in the late 1860s that you begin to see a number of africanamerican Office Holders move up into positions of local authority. Either on town counsels or in the state legislators. And they gain a political role and a political voice. And a number of the africanamericans who serve in this time period,thats how they kind of come up through the ranks very quickly and move up into positions where they can then be elected to congress. So whos the first africanamerican in the house . Well, the first africanamerican to speak on the floor in the house of representatives while the house is in session is actually a man who was elected but never seated. John willis menard from louisiana was elected in 1868, and his election was contested. And thats a story that kind of runs throughout the 19th century for so many of these africanamerican members who were elected to congress. Their election was challenged. And a number of them had that experience. Menard was in february of 1869 allowed to speak on the house floor to defend himself in his contested election case. The house chose not to seat him or his opponent, and he never was seated, but he won the election. The house just exercised his right not to seat him. The first africanamerican elected to the house and seated in the house was joseph rainy of South Carolina in december of 1870, and following him are another 19 africanamerican members throughout the course of the 19 century. Rainy wasnt actually the first africanamerican in congress. That distinction went to rebels of mississippi who was elected by the state legislator as senators were back in the 19th century. And he came into congress in early 1870. But when you think about that revolutionthality occurs within a matter of less than a decade, so rainy had been born into slavery. During the civil war hed been conscripted into the federal army to dig trenches around charleston where he was from. He escapes to bermuda during the war, comes back after the war, gains a political experience and a political role locally. And within a decade hes holding the seat of a former confederate slaveholder and rebels story is the same. He was born as a freedman, never was a slave. But he too comes into the senate and occupies a seat that had been held by a slaveholder less than a decade before. And when you think about the great paradoxes in American History, thats one of them. That they come to the capital and represent africanamerican constituencies, and theyre doing it after those seats have been given up during secession by slave holders. Thats amazing. Well, ive read a bit about reconstruction, and its interesting the sort of very small brother hood of men who are serving right ipthose early 1870s. And we actually have a precipitate that has five of them right here. And they include rebels who you were talking about and joseph rainy right here. This is three other members of congress, two in the house and one in the senate. That is is the complete africanamerican representation of the senate up until well into the 20th century. And you can see theyre being presented in this print which is taken from a book for former speaker of the house about his time in congress. Very much in the same vein as every other member of congress and statesman of the day was. Most of these were taken from the early photographs by Matthew Bradys studio. And youd see the whole thing youd see they look like theyre sitting in the same chair in front of the same curtain background Matthew Brady uses for every congressman. You cant swing a cat without finding a 19 century photograph sitting in these chairs. Its very interesting to see that during this reconstruction period there really is that sense that these people are members of congress. Theres this sort of, you know, the civil war is the b. C. And a. D. Of American History. It seems its a huge pivot thats happened as shown by this kind of representation of them. For africanamericans and historians talk about this, the reconstruction period really is the second American Revolution in which Political Rights were extended to this group that had been excluded for so long. And rainy and rebels, their two careers in the house and senate respectively really embody the experiences of the africanamericans who served in this time period. Their service was to a great degree largely symbolic service. Rebels only serves a very short time in the senate and he later goes on a speaking circuit around the country, and hes introduced everywhere as the 15th amendment in flesh and blood and the embodiment of africanamerican voting rights. And rainy too was a symbol for africanamericans. These were men who not only represented their small districts or their states and the constituents therein, but they represented africanamericans nationally. And they were a source of pride, and thats reflected in the material culture. Rainy serves for almost eight years in the house. Hes the longest serving africanamerican during the reconstruction period, during the 19th century, and he establishes a couple of firsts. Hes the first africanamerican to preside over the house while its in session. That happens in 1874. And his experience, though, is typical of a lot of these other individuals who come to the house in relatively small numbers. The high point in terms of the number of africanamericans is the 43rd congress, mid1870s. Theres only six or seven africanamericans in congress at that point. So theyre really too small of a group to drive any kind of legislative agenda, and where they do contribute to legislation is to come out and speak on behalf of their constituents and their Political Rights and the abuses against those Political Rights in the reconstruction era south. So they tend to give very eloquent speeches about some of the major bills like the 1875 Civil Rights Act, which, again, is a piece of legislation not many people think about today. When you think Civil Rights Act its the Civil Rights Act of 1964. And what that bill in 1875 would have done is essentially the same thing with the 1964 bill did. It would have granted equality in accommodations in public travel and also in schools. And a lot of these africanamericans from the south, from South Carolina, mississippi, alabama, got up and spoke on behalf of this bill, on particularly the education provision which would have provided an equal playing field, and that provision sadly is stripped out of the bill at the very end of the congress. This was a bill that had been championed by charles somner the senator from massachusetts and supported by benjamin butler, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee in the house. But a lot of these men gave very moving testimonials on the house floor about that legislation. Well, you know, i have a question about another object we have in the collection because rebels and rainy as the firsts often are the ones i think about most but there are the other 19 folks. And one of them is Robert Brown Elliot right here. This is from Frank Leslies illustrated newspaper where a lot of the 19th century stuff that we have in the house collection that tells us whats going on in the house and what the public is reading about it, what theyre seeing this is one of the rare ones in which theres an africanamerican member whos given sort of a little portrait right there on the pages, right next to any number of Different Things going on. This is sort of news of the day. So tell me a little bit about robert elliot. Elliot is one of the interesting members. Hes from South Carolina and the majority of africanamericans during the 19th century come from South Carolina. Theres Seven Members all from that state largely because its majority africanamerican population and their districts are majority african, so theres support for a black candidate. Elliott is a wonderful order and hes one of these people who invented himself as he went along. You get the sense he was a true character, but he had a great classic education. He came up after reconstruction, worked on a newspaper. He had some journalism background and then he moves up into the state assembly in South Carolina, and he comes to the house for two terms in the early 1870s, and he is one of the men who comes onto the floor and talks about the importance of passing the 1875 civil rights bill and gives some speeches that are picked up in the northern press, and they just swoon over him. In one of the speeches he actually is a point Counter Point debate with alexander stevens, the former confederate Vice President who has at that point which back to the house, and elliot just blows him out of the water. Hes a hes so respected and hes such an ally of senator charles somner that when somner passes shortly before his bill moves through the houls and senate elliot goes and delivers a eulogy in boston which also is widely picked up in the northern press. He leaves the house, actually he made congress in his second term and he goes back to South Carolina because he cares so much about state politics, and hes watching the way things are trending towards the end of reconstruction and seeing a lot of abuses against black participation and voting rights. And he becomes the speaker of the South Carolina state assembly for a brief period. And later goes onto serve as the very tail end of reconstruction as the attorney general for South Carolina. Afterwards, though, his story typifies so many of these members. Once reconstruction ends, here youve got a guy is a great speaker, got a law background, sets up a law practice, but he gets almost no business. And hes forced to move out of state. And eventually in the mid1880s, he dies in poverty. And thats, sadly, the story of so many of these 19th century individuals who leave congress and then with the onset of jim crow, their careers just dry up. And that speaks to the larger kind of political ramifications of the end of reconstruction and what that meant for black political participation. I wanted to point out to you something that i find really interesting as a curator and an art historian, the way that works, the way jim crow ends up being promulgated in some ways in the press, so that you get no business because of racism and because of jim crow and also its sort of its reenforced in the popular press. And as we move into the jim crow period, the press and the public, the way the public sees africanamericans, the way its presented to them, really changes and moves much more towards the caricatures that we are familiar with from the very beginning of the 20th century. This is the 1880s. By 1889 in this also showing sort of little vignettes of whats going on in the capitol during an interesting time period. Instead of a picture with civil war veterans and interesting women and africanamerican children and adults celebrating outside as citizens who are excited about a new venture and the passage of the civil rights bill, here were seeing lots of different sort of things going on. And the very style of it has become more like a cartoon. In particular, i want to draw your attention to this circular area here in which theyre showing africanamericans in the visitors gallery, called the gentlemens gallery, and that is the name of a gallery in the house at the time, but its used almost dripping with sarcasm, because its showing almost entirely africanamericans in there, and in the accompanying essay about it, it points out what it wants to point out about this image that its showing africanamericans who are in the galleries but not engaged in the process. Not interested in whats going on on the floor. Its showing them as reading or sleeping or using it simply as a place to hang out. And thats what the accompanying essay says as well. And this is a really enormous shift and a National News coverage of africanamericans civic life, and it goes pretty quickly. This is 20 years difference from seeing this, which is all over the papers at the time, to the 1880s in which it moves entirely towards a caricature of africanamerican participation in the world of public affairs. So the turning point happens at the end of reconstruction, right . The turning point for this story really happens with the end of reconstruction and formal reconstruction where the Union Military forces occupy the south and had kept the reconstruction governments in place. Thats rolled back in 1877 as part of the disputed election of 1876 between Samuel Tilden and rutherford hayes. And that election gets thrown to congress to decide. And what happens is the house and the senate are controlled by different Political Parties and cant come to an agreement as to the house deciding it, so they create a special Electoral Commission composed to five senators, five representatives, and five Supreme Court justices. And in the results that had come back, there were three Southern States that had disputed returns. So what shows up is two different groups, one for tilden, one for hayes. The commission comes back and finds in favor of hayes, awarding him those votes. But as part of the political negotiation that is struck to make him president , the Southern States manage, democrats manage to push republicans to end reconstruction formally. And that happens in 1877. And once that happens, what you see over really a decade, decade and a half, is a process where africanamericans are gradually excluded from the political process in the south. Its a combination of state laws that go on the books and local laws that go on the books, such as poll taxes. But by the 1890s, both through law and through custom in the south, africanamericans largely are no longer part of the political process. And that plays out in congress in that post1877 period because you see the numbers really drop off by the 1880s. In the 1880s and 1890s, we only have five africanamericans who are serving in congress in various points. And usually, its only just one or two during any given congress. Still some prominent individuals. John Mercer Langston from virginia, who was a very prominent africanamerican, even before the civil war. He had actually been one of the first blacks in the country elected to Political Office in a town council in ohio. And so he had a national reputation. And after the war, he serves as a minister to haiti, and then in the late 1880s, hes elected to a virginia seat and comes into the house, but hes another africanamerican who faces a contested election, and by the time hes seated, he only gets about a seven or eightmonth term, so his ability to legislate is curtailed, and thats really the story of a lot of these men who had road blocks thrown up, everything from poll taxes that affected constituents to violence at the polls now that the union army presence, the federal presence in the south had been rolled back. The very last individual who serves during that period is George Henry White of North Carolina. Represented a coastal district in North Carolina that had elected africanamericans before, and he serves for two terms in the late 1890s. Hes the last africanamerican to serve really for three decades. And he very forcefully pushed for two things while he was a member. One was antilynching legislation, which no one had really championed before, and he pushes for that. It goes nowhere. It languishes in the Judiciary Committee and never really is debated, but hes out there talking about it on the floor. And the other thing that he wanted was to, because so many blacks were being denied their Political Rights in the south, he wanted to reduce the representation of Southern States in Congress Based on how many people were being disenfranchised in southern districts. So these are two issues that kind of percolate for the next couple decades in the house, but theres no africanamericans who are there to champion it. In 1901, white leaves congress. He had faced some very tough reelections, a lot of violence, a lot of fraud. And he leaves the house. When he does, he gives a speech in february of 1901 which is tremendously moving because he knows hes the last africanamerican who is going to be in congress for a while. And at the end of the speech, he says, but you know, phoenixlike, some day the africanamerican will rise again in congress and come back. That takes three decades. Well, i want to show you what i think is really sort of like that long dry period that happens after white leaves, one of the saddest parts of what the artifacts we have. In fact, this is one of the saddest artifacts in the house collection. Its a pretty recent acquisition of ours. We havent really seen one of these. This is a 1907 print that was made of all its called colored men who have served in the congress of the united states. And it is really a testament to the persistence of hope in the africanamerican community, for participation in public life. Its done in 1907, so george white has been gone for six years, and its going to be another two decades before an africanamerican returns to congress. And this print was done sort of as a memento. In fact, the way its done is this very popular method of showing a lot of things on a page. Its almost done as if its a scrapbook or photo album. Some of the images are sort of tilted as if they have been artfully placed in a scrapbook. It really is, a scrapbook is a book of memories, of tiny dis m disembodied pieces of memory. In some ways, this is what this is, a memory of the past. The man who printed this had run several africanamerican newspapers. He had been he had an appointment to a position at the Government Printing office, and by 1907, all of that had vanished. All of the positions open to africanamericans in the government that he had been part of had gone away, the newspapers had collapsed. He had a lot of connections with john Mercer Langston, in fact, and some other folks. And those things had all sort of evaporated. This is one of the last things we know he did. He was really sort of attempting to put a marker down that this wont be forgotten and will come back, as george white said. In the center, weve got blanch k. Bruce and hyrem levels. Giving the senate its due, and theyre surrounded by the larger number of africanamericans who served in the house. Heres joseph rainey, the first africanamerican in the house, and it takes it all the way around to all of them who were there. I find this so poignant in that when this was printed, no one knew how long would it be. Did they think 20 years was going to be a very long time . Did they think that was going to be just a moment . But what did happen to this print eventually, as you can see, it looks terribly damaged and like it had a hard life, and indeed, it has. It was at some point, someone took this and pasted it on probably a wall, because its pasted on board, then underneath that is wallpaper. I mean, underneath the print and on top of the board is wallpaper. It was perhaps pasted on someones wall in sort of recognition of those things that had happened. It was printed in d. C. We were able to we acquired it in d. C. It may never have left the nations capital, unlike black representation at the time it was printed. Weeknights this month, were featuring American History tv programs as a preview of whats available every weekend on cspan3. Tonight, we feature several events hosted by the National World war i museum and memorial in kansas city, missouri. Beginning with William Jewel College Professor Gary Armstrong discussing the u. S. Senates rejection of the 1919 treaty of versailles to end world war i, which president Woodrow Wilson spent several Months Overseas negotiating. Watch tonight beginning at 8 00 p. M. Eastern, and enjoy American History tv this week and every weekend on cspan3. Every saturday, at 8 00 p. M. Eastern, on American History tv on cspan3, go inside a Different College classroom and hear about topics ranging from the American Revolution, civil rights, and u. S. President s. To 9 11. Thanks for your patience and for logging in to class. With most College Campuses closed due to the impact of the coronavirus, watch professors transfer teaching to a virtual setting to engage with their students. Gorbachev did most of the work to change the soviet union, but reagan met him halfway, reagan encouraged him. Reagan supported him. Freedom of the press, which well get to later, i should just mentioned, madison originally called it freedom of the use of the press, and it is indeed freedom to print things and publish things. It is not a freedom for what we now refer to institutionally as the press. Lectures in history, on American History tv on cspan3. Every saturday at 8 00 p. M