Transcripts For CSPAN3 British Army The Revolutionary War 1

Transcripts For CSPAN3 British Army The Revolutionary War 1775-1783 20240712

Ii. And professor urwin is a long time friend of this museum project. It is one of the great advantages of being in philadelphia, that we can be close neighbors to professor urwin, whose work on the british army in the American Revolution is extensive, and nuanced, and is always inspiring of our exhibits, and publications, and the development of our core exhibition, professor urwin played a crucial role in the display of the story of enslaved runaways, weighing the promise of the phillipsburg proclamation, announced by general clinton in 1779, which offered somewhat vaguely protection and perhaps freedom of run aways who made their way through to the british lines through consultation with a number of historians, particularly of africanAmerican History in this period, it became a really an imperative that we do two very challenging, often seemingly contradictory things with our tableau in showing people facing this question of whether to trust the british on this promise. And one was to demonstrate their agency, to capture the sense that they had some impact and some choice in what they were doing, and the other was to not shy away from the horrors of the tiern tyranny of slavery that dominated their lives and kept the majority of slave people still in bondage through the American Revolutionary war. So the way we imagine doing this was we would put a uniformed soldier of african descent across a fence rail in conversation with a person still enslaved, still in their field clothes, but the challenge was that most, from what we could tell, most of the formerly enslaved people who made it to the british army, would probably never have referred a red coast, so we went to professor urwin, who among his other accomplishments, which include nine books, either authored or edited, as well as more than 150 articles, has also produced over 2800 issues of an email blast called red coast images. Actually as of this morning, i think its 2817, and these are studies of portraits and other period images of red coat officers and other ranks, and that number is actually small, smaller than the reality, because hes often sending addendums and updates, which are 2820, aden numb number four, and we all hang on these magnificent pieces of scholarship, and they in fact were partly inspiring of our choice to do a red coat story for this exhibition. But in the case of these virginia run aways, we put it to the expert of red coat images, who among these enslaved people might have had a red coat, and there is a book that professor irwin has been working closely with, a manuscript, from 1783, called the book of negroes which was compiled to list the former enslaved people who are under the protection of the british army in new york in 1783, and based on his finings in that book, he suggested a young 15yearold man named london pleasants who had joined Benedict Arnolds British American legion in virginia and served as a trumpeter which would have been a uniformed and armed rank. So we were able to capture the immediate image in the galleries of a formally enslaved person who has made a choice with great personal and political implications, by presenting our version of london pleasants, and we are thankful to professor urwin for that. His, as i mentioned, his red coat images were also influential in the development of this exhibition. Originally what became cost of revolution, the life and death of an irish soldier, was to be a portrait display, based on professor urwins red coat images. And we went down this deep rabbit hole with richard st. George, which professor urwin is very helpful in as well. Today, he will be talking about his topic from Parade Ground to battlefield, how the british army adapted to war in north america, 1775 to 1783 and it captures his great work on that army which is how the public imagery of red coats as these often inept sort of dandy, often evil, monsters, as woefully inaccurate, so instructs me that you are to forget everything you learned from the patriot and mel gibson, and these are not figurements of the imagination, the redcoat, he will present. [ applause ] thank you. And i would like to thank you and your colleagues here at the museum for the colossal bad judgment of asking me to speak today. Thank all of the sponsors of this wonderful conference. Particularly the Pritzker Military library and museum, to misquote, hirotiusa, military history rules last night before i went to bed i made the mistake of channel surfing, cnn, msnbc, and fox news, i would like to say im really glad to spend today holed up in the 18th century. Here we go. Hannah, my 45 minutes begins now. Whenever a friend outside of academia asks me about my job, i equip i make my living by reading dead peoples mail. Like other professional historians especially those who focus on the 20th and 21st, or before the 20th and 21st centuries, i apply my trade by examining written records. That is where we find the information that tells us what the people of the past experienced, what it meant to them, and why it should matter to us. In other words, historians use words to create pictures in their readers minds and to interpret what those pictures mean. Standing here in the museum of the American Revolution, i feel obliged to mention that historians can also learn much from the artwork and artifacts dating from the areas that they studied. As a boy, my growing obsession with history, drew sustenance from American Heritage magazine whose lavishly illustrated format inspired me as much as its superbly written articles. I think when people preserve in visual form and how they portrayed their times can tell us a lot about what they experienced and how they thought about that. The cost of revolution, the special exhibition that this conference compliments provides us with a golden opportunity to gauge how much the visual record can enhance what we glean from the written record. The painting, drawing, and engravings and other objects collected by this museums talented staff open windows on to various facets of the war, independence, and the tragic story of an angloirish officer who risked his all for george iii, the british capture of philadelphia in 1777, how the revolution and tue mult yousz world touched ireland and many others. As a military attorney i take political interest in what cost of revolution tells us about the british army in which richard st. George, soldier, and how it responded to the challenges of fighting a difficult war in a foreign and often hostile environment, thousands of miles from home. Students of war separate store and military culture, the strengths and weaknesses of the Weapons Systems that opposing armies deployed determined their tactical options on the battedfield. In addition what soldiers wear reflect the values of the societies they serve, both stylistic and totalitarian as well as the norms and traditions of the organizations to which they belong. It is also important to realize that what an army wears and carries when it goes to war changes in the course of the conflict. Hard experience teaches officers and men what works and what does not. In other words what should be retained, modified or getsonned. I must acknowledge that my fascination reflects one of my guilty pleasures. I pursued my undergraduate studies during the American Revolution by centennial in the 1970s, and youthful enthusiasm led to my being seduced into historical reenacting. Well, that confession, arouses sparks, im unapologetic. Over the years i have found living history a useful teaching tool and a supplement to conventional research. It is one thing to read an 18th century drill manual or afteraction report, but it is Something Else to perform the evolutions described therein, especially on the same sort of ground where revolutionary war armies fought each other. Sampling a common red coat or continentals diet, knowing where his clothing chaved, his shoes blistered, his equipment belts bit, increases ones empathy for the people you study. As this familiarity with the eks entris ties of flint lock weapons or trying to live your day and execute battlefield movements by commands transmitted by fifes, drums and bugle horns. This lecture will take the form of a an illustrated survey how the british army adapted to north american conditions as it strove to suppress the rebellion that erupted in 1775. Adaptation is not a word that most americans associate with their countrys opposition in that contest. The red coast are coats of the revolutionary are normally none thing automatons, completely unsuited for the challenges they encounter, according to the long cherished stereotype, they campaigned in colorful and practical uniforms designed for the Parade Ground, and practiced rigid linear tactics, suited for the clear flat expanses of europe. Rather than rougher or often wooded terrain. A brilliant young british historian, matthew h. Spring, demolished these myths in 2008 when he published with zeal and bayonets only, the british Army Campaign in north america, 1775 to 1783. Spring completely revolutionized our view of combat in the war of independence. The british army that George Washington faced was what todays American Military calls a thinking enemy. British officers such as sur William Howell realized that they had to adapt to american conditions from the outset. And they trained all of their foot soldiers to function like light infantry. After bunker hill, they invariably led their red coats into battle and in order, not tightly backed lines, large amounts of calvary and facing enemy horseman in too mu numbers to have tight formations british officers trained foot shoulders to move quickly and overtake and strike a swrift foe. In battle the red coats usually sought a quick decision. They preferred to close within 75 yards of the enemy, fire a volley, and then charge with a bayonet. These tactics brought them victory with daunting regularity. Hence the kings regulars constituted a much more Formidable Force than most of todays americans appreciate. Due to the expense involved in transporting calvary and artillery across the atlantic and maintaining them in a combat ready state on american soil, the infantry composed most of those troops who struggled to restore george iiis authority. This lecture will accordingly focus on the british armys largest and most important combat branch. In the entire of the common british foot soldier in the 1770s, depended on three factors. Army wide regulations. The regiment to which he blodged. And his rank and position within that regiment. At the revolutionary war start, the british army in linfantry had 70 afoot and 60 were Ten Companies appease. The two exceptions were the first regiment afoot, or the royals as they were then called, and the 60th or the royal americans. Which mustered two, tencompany battalions a piece. A full strength regiment stationed in england, numbered 477 officers and men, while one on the average establishment was supposed to total 474. With the outbreak of war, foot regiments underwent augmentation, a companys quote of privates increased from 38 to 56, and everybody regiment received two Additional Companies to remain in the British Isles to collect and retrain recruits. Colonels commanded regiments but these often general officers found other excuses to not accompany their units in the field. That means regimented command routinely fell to a Lieutenant Colonel, with a major adjutant, Quarter Master sergeant and mate. The officers Commanding Company included a captain, lieutenant and an a second lieutenant. Two sergeants, soon increased to three. And three corporals aassisted with company management. Once the regiment left home, attrition due to disease, combat, accident and desertion kept its numbers well below authorized levels. Every soldier in the british foot wore a red uniform coat, also known as a renta metal this. Garment became the branchs trademark. Inspiring the ubiquitous mick name red coat and such derogatory american variants such as bloody back or lob ter back. Since shoulder paxes did not exist at the time, each rejt regiment referred its own face in color, which its members displayed on the rent regimental coats collar, lapels and cuffs. Royal regiments announced their special connection to the house of hanover by sporting dark blue faces. The other regiments of the line displayed nearly every other color in the rainbow. Yellow, green, white, black, buff, red, purple and orange. With only the search primary colors identified by sir isaac newton in the early 1670s, it was impossible to avoid duplication, with 70 different infantry regiments to clothe, not to mention the 35 others authorized after the revolutionary war began. To distinguish between regiments wearing essentially the same facing color, each referred its own multicolored lace that privates and corporals displayed in rectangular or pointed loops, around the button holes on their reg method medals. In addition, the number was exhibited on the buttons. Certain privileged outfits also incorporated their unique regimental badges on their buttons and elsewhere. That meant that the closer you got to a red coat, the surer you became of his unit affiliation. Sergeants and officers wore coats made of scarlet cloth, a lighter shade of red, than that seen on the other ranks. Instead of regimental lace, sergeants a lace was all white. Officers displayed metallic lace, silver or gold, depending on their regiment, and matching buttons and aklets. This insignia along with the crescent shaped and crim son sash worn on duty made a regiments leadership easy to single out. Even at maximum small arms range. While meant to emphasize a commanders status and authority, these practices facilitated the American American rebels habit of taking deliberate aim at enemy officers. In addition to a red coats regiment, Company Placement also affected what he wore. Most british infantrymen served in a regiments eight Battalion Companies. They were known as half men because they were issued the standard coxs hat with stiffened black felt with white worsted lace. Silver lace edged sergeants hats and officers hats sportsed either silver or gold lace or black edge. In addition to the Battalion Companies each reg meant possessed two elite or five companies, composed of personnel with special qualifications. The tallest strongest and supposedly bravest men in even regiment went into the gren deer company which formed other Battalion Companys right flank, the traditional place of honor. Gren deer sponsored the shock troops leading assaults on strong positions. To accentuate the height and enhance the fear someness of their appearance, they wore a cap with bear skin and added an additional 12 inches to the stature. Red wing with regimental lace on the coats which also advertised his elite status. They began the war with brass match cases attached to the cartridge box belt, a reminder of the days when they threw small bombs called grenades, they were also put with short brass hilted cutlass called hangers buts they superfluous weapons were soon put into storage leaving gren deers to fight just with muskets and bayonets. Only gren deers only composed so that george iii sent, they made an indelible impression on their opponents and they figure prominently in depictions of the war by the patriot ar stift john trum bull and others he influenced. The light infantry, filled its ranks with smaller quicker fellows, to function as skirmishers and flankers. Battalion companies and grendeers trained to fight in three ranks deep with each file set off six inches from the other. The long red line popularly associated with the 18th century british army. Light infantry on the other hand operated in two ranks with the men set apart in intervals of four feet, open order, or ten feet, extended order. Which made them more difficult targets. The light bobs as they were called, incessantly practiced skirm issuing and how to advance in small bodies. Their training also stressed speed. Ha bit waiting light troops to move either at the quick step or a run. Lights infantrymen wore a uniform that reflected their specialized role. Light infantry coats had wings. Like the gren deers. But their tails were cut short to promote swiftness on the march or in combat. Instead of a tall bear skin cap or a widebrimmed hat, which could hamper movement over wooded ground, the favored leather caps with distinctive or decorative front piece. This head gear was sometimes adorned by feathers and hair crests. In addition to the standard musket and bayonet, light infantrymen often carried a hatchet, an emulation of the American Indians tomahawk. An anonymous poet captured the light infantrys dashing image in a song published by a loyalist newspaper in the 1778. And it went, the battle prepared in the countrys just cause, yet king to a vengeance aport all his laws, as fierce as a tiger, as a swift as a roll, the british light infantry dash on their row. The rebels impose their career, their traerts unhaunted, their strangers appear no obstacles rescind, and death and destruction attend every blow. Take that, hamilton. [ applause ] service with light troops attracted some of the british armys most daring young officers of such as the subject of cost revolution, lieutenant st. George who fought with the 52nd regiment Light Company during the Philadelphia Campaign of 1777. On parade, back home in the British Isles, the Light Infantry Company fell in on a regiment play. But that was not the case in the american war zone from 1775 to 1783. Both gren deer and Light Infantry Companies were detached from their parent regiments and brigaded tonight in elite battalions with companies of their own type. Light infantry battalion

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