Its my pleasure to welcome today a professor Gregory Irwin of the revolution through world war ii. Its one of the great advantages of being in philadelphia that we can be close neighbors to professor irwin, whose work on the british army ands the American Revolution is extensive and nuanced and always inspiring of our exhibits and publications. In the development of our core exhibition, professor irwin played a crucial role in the display of the story of enslaved runaways weighing the promise of the proclamation announced by general clinton in 17 which offered somewhat vaguely protection and freedom of run aways who made their way to the british lines through consultation with a number of historians particularly of American History in this period. It became a really imperative that we do two very challenging, often seemingly contradictory things with showing and people facing this question of whether to trust the british on this promise. One was to demonstrate their agency to capture the sense that they had some impact and choice in what they were doing and the other was to not shy away from horrors of slavery that d dominated their lives and kept the maujty still in bondage. So r the way we imagine doing this is we would put a a uniformed soldier of african dissent across a fence rail in conversation with a person still enslave enslaved by the challenge was from what we could tell, most of the the formerly enslaved people would probably never have received a red coat. So we went to professor urwin, who among husband other accomplishments, which include nine books, either authored or edited and 150 articles has also produced 2800 issues of an email blast called red coat images as of this morning its 2817. And these are studies of portraits and other period images of red coat officers and other ranks. And that number is actually smaller than the reality because hes often sending addendums and updates, which are 2800, number 4 and we all hang on these magnificent pieces of scholarship. They, in fact, were partly inspiring of our choice to do a red coat story for this exhibition. But in the case of these virginia run aways, we put it to the expert of red coat images who among these enslaved people might have had a red coat is and there is a book that professor urwin has been working closely with a a manuscript, which was compiled to list the form rer enslaved people who were under the protection of the british army in 1783. Based on his mindings, he suggested a young 15yearold man who joined Benedict Arnolds region in virginia and served as a trupt r trumter. So we were able to capture the immediate image in the gallies who is made a choice. By presenting our version of london pleasants and we are thankful to professor urwin for that. It was influential. Originally what became cost of revolution, the life and death of an irish soldier, was to be a r portrait display based on professor urwins red coat imag images. And we went down this deep rabbit hole with richard sabt george. Today he will be talking about his topic from the ground battlefield, how the british army adapted to north america in 1785. And it captures one of the fwraet messages of his work on that army, which is that the public imagery of red coats a as these often often a a dandy. Its woefully inaccurate. So it instructs me youre to forget everything you learn from the patriot and mel gibson and these are are not figments of the image nation he will present. Your colleagues here for the bad judgment have asked me to speak today. The military library and museum. Its channel surfing, cnn, msnbc and fox news. Id like to say im glad to spend today holed up in the 18th century. Whenever a friend outside asked me about my job, they make the live i living by reading dead peoples mail. Like other historians, those who focus on the 20th and 21st or before the 20th and 21st century, apply by examining written records. Thats where we find the information that tells us what the people of the past experien experience, what it meant to them and why it should matter to us. In other words, historians use words to create pictures in their readers minds and to interpret when those pictures mean. Standing here in the museum of the American Revolution i i feel obliged to mention that historians can also learn from the artwork and artifacts from the eras they study. As a boy my growing obsession with history from American Heritage magazine, who has illustrated format inspired me as much as the written article. I think people preserved in visual form and how they portrayed their times can tell us about they experienced and how they felt about that. The special exhibition that the conference compliments provides with a golden opportunity to gauge how much the visual record can enhance what we gleaned from the written record. The paintings, drawings and other objects from the talented staff opened windows object to various facets of the were of independence. The tragic story of the officer who risked his all for the british capture in 1777. How the revolution and Atlantic World touched arrest lefthand a ireland and many others. What tells us about the british army in which Richard Saint George soldier at how it respond ed to the challenges of fighting a difficult war than a foreign and hostile environment thousands of miles from home. Students of war in military culture. The strenlts and weaknesses of the Weapons Systems that opposing armies employ determine tactical options. In addition, what soldiers wear reflects the values of the societies they serve both stylistic as well as the norms and traditions of the organizations to which they belong. Its also important to realize that what an army wears and carries, what it goes to war changes in the course of a conflict. The experience teaches officers and men what works and what does not. What should be retained or jet sans. I must acknowledged my fascination with military culture reflects one of my guilty pleasures. I pursued my undergraduate studies in the 1970s and youthful enthuse yampl led to my being seduced. While that confession, im unapologetic. I found living history a useful teaching tool and a supplement to conventional research. Its one thing to read an 18th century drill manual or action report, but its Something Else to perform the evolutions described therein. Especially on the same sort of ground where revolutionary war armies fought each other. Sampling a common red coat knowing where clothing shaved and shoes blistered as equipment belts bit increases empathy for the people you study. As does familiarity with weapons or trying to live your day and execute battlefield movements by commands transmitted by drums and bugle horns. This lecture will take the form of an illustrated survey of how the british army adapted to conditions as it strove to suppress what erupted in 1775. Adaptation is not a word that most americans associate with their countrys opposition in that contest. The red coats of the revolution are normally depicted as unthinking, kmeetly unsuited for the challenges they encountered. And according to to the long cheri cherished stereotype, they campaigned in uniforms designed for the Parade Ground and practiced rigid tactics suited for the clear exb pants pants. A british historian demolished these myths in 2008 when he published with zeal and with bayonets only the british army on campaign in north america 1775 to 1783. Spring completely revolutionized our view of combat in the war of independence. The britsish army was what todays American Military calls a thinking enemy. British officers such as sir william howe realized they had to adapt to american conditions from the outset. And they trained all their foot soldiers to function like infantry. After bunker hill, they led their red coats into battle in open order, not tightly packed lines. Lack account large amounts of call value ri and facing too few number to necessitate tight formations. British officers train ed ed toe quickly to overtake and strike a swift foe. The red coats saw equipped decision. They preferred within 75 yards of the enemy and then charge with the bayonet. These tactics brought them victory with daunting regularity. Hence the regulars constituted a much more formidable force. Due to the expense involved in transporting calgary across the atlantic and maintaining them in a combat ready state. They composed most of those troops who struggled to restore the authority. This lecture will accordingly focus on the british armys largest and most important combat branch. The regiment and his rank and position within that regiment. At the rev hugs nar war the british army consisted of 70 regiments afoot. 68 of those units were single battalion. The two exceptions were the first afoot or the royals as they were then cool kal led and one of the irish establishment was supposed to total 474. With the outbreak of war, foot regiments underwent augmentation. Privates increased from 38 to 56 and every regiment received two Additional Companies to remain in the brisht aisles to collect and train recruits. These were found other excuses to not accompany their units in the field. That meant that command routinely fell to a lieutenant kernel assisted by a majorage tant and mate. And second lieutenant. Two sergeants, increase ed d to three and three corporals assisted with company management. Once a regiment left home, attrition due to disease, combat, accident and discertification kept numbers well below authorized levels. This garment became the branchs trademark inspire iing the nicke red coat and such derogatory nam names. Each received its own face in color, which members displayed on the coats collar, lapels and cuffs. With only the seven primary colors identified by sir isaac newton in the early 1670s, it was impossible to avoid duplication with 70 regiments to clothe. Not to mention the ores began. It was wearing the same face and color. Each received its lace that they displayed loops around the buttonholes on the regiments. In addition, it exhibited its number on etc. Buttons. The surer you became of his unit affiliation. Sergeants and officers were wore coats made of scarlet cloth. And instead of regiment the lace it was all white. Officers displayed metallic lace, silver or gold depending on their regiment and matches buttons. This insignia with the crumb son sash worn on duty made a regiments leadership easy to single out, even at arms range. While meant to emphasize a status and authority. These facilitated the habit of taking deliberate aim at enemy officers. In addition to a red coats regiment, Company Placement also affected when he wore. Most british served in a regiments Company Battalion companies. They were known as hat men because they were issued a standard hat made with stiffen black felt and edged with white lace. Silver lace edged hats and officer hs officers hats sported either silver or gold lace, or black edging. In addition to the Battalion Companies, each regiment possessed two elite companies composed of personnel with special qualifications. The tallest, strongest, and bravest men in each regiment went into the Grenadier Company that formed the Battalion Companys right flank, the traditional place of honor. Then dysfunction and shock troops leading assaults on positions. It added an additional 12 inches to his stature. Red wings trimmed with regimental lace on the coat also advertised his elite status. Grenadiers began the war with brass match cases attached to the cartridge box belt, a reminder of the days when they threw small bombs. Called grenades. There were also equipped with short brass hilton cutlasses. These weapons were soon put in to storage. Although grenadiers comprise only 10 of the redcoats sent to crush the american independence, they made an indelible impression on their opponents. They figured prominently in depictions of the war produced by John Trumbull and lesser talents he influenced. A regiments other elite company, the light infantry, filled its ranks with smaller, quicker fellows to function as skirmishers and flankers. Batallian companies and grenadiers trained to fight in three ranks deep, with each file set off six inches from the other. The long, red line popularly associated with the 18th century british army. Light infantry, on the other hand, operated in two ranks, with the men set apart of intervals at four feet open order or ten feet, extended word, which made them more difficult targets. The light bobs as they were called excess sanitily practiced skirmishing and how to advance small bodies. Their training also stress speed, habituating light troops to move either at the quickstep or a run. Light infantryman wore a uniform that reflected their specialized role. Light infantry coats had wings, but their tails were cut short to perform on the march or in combat. Instead of the tall bearskin cap or a widebrimmed cocked hat that can hamper movement, the leather caps with distinctive or decorative front peaks. This headgear was sometimes adorned by feathers and hair crests. In addition to the standard muskets and bayonets, light infantryman often carried a hatchet in emulation of the American Indians tomahawk. An anonymous poet captured the lighten image in a song published by a loyalist newspaper in december, 1778. And it went the battle prepared and their countries just caused their king to avenge and support all his laws as fierce as a tiger, as swift as a role brightish light infantry dash on their foe the rebels are numbered oppose their career daunting the straightest of fear no obstacles hinder, resistance they go death and destruction attend every blow take that, hamilton. [ laughter ] [ applause ] service with light troops attracted some of the british armys most daring young officers, such as the subject, a cost of revolution, master george, who fought with the 52nd regiment of Light Company during the Philadelphia Campaign of 1777. On parade back home at the british isles, the Light Infantry Company fell in on the left flank. That was not the case of the american war zone from 1775 to 1783. Both grenadier and Light Infantry Companies were detached from their parent regiments and brigaded together in elite battalions with companies of their own type. Light infantry battalions help remedy the british armys scarcity of calvary by taking on the role of reconnaissance and tactical situations. Grenadier and light infantry ba stallions worked together, working in flanking movements that made many opponents run and remorselessly pressing braver rebels who endeavored to hold their ground. When the american rebellion erupted the british army contained one infancy regiment who advertised its members ethnicity. The 42nd regiment of foot, the highland regiment, the blackwatch. Due to dire Economic Hardship and other factors we heard about earlier, scotts proved more willing to invest in the american lore than englishmen and a second battalion of the blackwatch and eight more highland regiment, three with two battalions, and three with highland principles for home defense. Officers and men in highland regiments wore their native plaids, what a modern viewer would call kilts, and diced stockings, in lieu of british army leg wear. The well appointed highlander turned out also with a fur purse and carried his ammunition at the front of his waist belt in what was called a belly box. Bonnets with diced red, white, and green bands took the place of cocked hats. Highland grenadiers and light infantry were issued the distinctive headgear worn by their breed in the rest of the british line. Bask hilted broad swords complemented a highlanders musket and bayonet. That traditional weapon went into storage as the war progressed. In addition to the highlanders, a trio of foot regiments stood apart from the others. This category of troops originated with the ordnance regiment, formed in 1685 to guard a British Field armys trade of artillery. Light flintlock muskets instead of more cumbersome match locks. This unit evolved into the 7th regiment afoot. It was joined on the armys table of organization by the 1st royal north british fusiliers, scots, and the 23rd royal welsh fusiliers. They enjoyed the privilege of prating in bearskin caps 10 inches tall, two inches short of the grenadier model. All three fusilli regiments would see service in the revolutionary war. The welsh fusiliers fighting from lexington and concord to yorktown. The british army endeavored to govern the dress of the line infantry with a set of regulations known as the royal clothing warrant of 1768. King george promulgated this document on december 19th of that year. It covered the design of an officer enlisted p colors, drums, accrued him and belts, and the devices and badges for the royal regiments and of the 6th old corps. The royal clothing warrant of 1768 superseded the royal clothing warrant of 1751, the british armys uniform regulations for the seven years war, or the french and indian war, as americans call it. As can be seen from this line and the next, the coats worn by those were fuller and heavier, with broader lapels, innate cuffs and a greater confusion of regimental lace. Grenadiers war lighter caps during the 1750s, but they were made from embroidered or laced cloth rather than bearskin. They carried hangers that added an unnecessary burden to tax stamina and slow their movements. Officers turned out in coats glittering with yards of metallic lace. They signified their rank with elaborate knots that can be easily tangled as the wearers passed through woods or brush. With the adoption of the royal clothing warrant of 1768, most regiments had plain white waistcoats and breaches. The British Field armies committed to the american war also contained regular soldiers whose dress was not governed by the royal clothing warrant of 1768. The british corps of marines, seagoing soldiers who normally kept order aboard the royal navys men of war, sometimes consolidated the attachments and turned them over to army command. Two marine battalions containing more than 1,000 troops served with Lieutenant General thomas gages boston garrison at the wars start. One b