Society by that i mean society outside the state. That people where people had their social networks, their continuities. And one of the interest things that has come out of that, those connections is a kind of leadership out of a black congregation, particularly the clergy. Now in this discussion, im going to talk too much about men, but males have dominated in some ways the kind of conversation about american politics for a number of reasons, as we can see. See my little thing works. Lets try this again. So there are a host of characters, im not going to talk about all of them, but there are some things that i really want you to Pay Attention to. One, it says Indigenous Community organization. Black churches are Indigenous Community organizations and its an indigenous because it is controlled by the people at the very lowest level, at the ground level. And i dont mean that in terms of status, but at the ground level. And therefore it can you see this other word it creates its own organic leadership. So a leadership that belongs to its own community. And that well talk a little bit more about some of these preliminaries. Ecleesial politics, electoral policy, public personalities, all of these go in there. But one of the things youll see note is black clergy people, whether male or female, have to build a support system, have to be affirmed by its own people. Thats what i mean by organic leadership. And that organic leadership is crucial, crucial, crucial to black church black churches, black american politics and so on. In 1972, this was one of the few books that tries to examine black politics by charles v. Hamilton called the black preacher in america. It came out in 1972. Professor hamilton is still alive. He is a political scientist and he is best known for a book he wrote, coauthored with Stokely Carmichael called black power, the politics of liberation. And you can see up at the top there its highlighted. The politics of liberation. So professor hamilton began to study in some ways clergy behavior and he ended up writing a book on one of the people will talk about, adam clayton powell, jr. , the political biography of an american dilemma. And he kept on studying. Very few people have studied activist clergy with the exception of Martin Luther king jr. , who gets a lot of ink like abraham lincoln, now. Right . More ink is spilled on lincoln than anybody. So the black preacher in america, and he wanted to take this wide sweep in the 1970s to look at it. This book comes in the context of a book you already read by albert rabto. Albert rabto. There are a group of books coming out shortly after the assassination of Martin Luther king. So all of these book, coming out after the assassination of king as a minister, king as a leader. There are a number of books coming out, and people were thinking about what did black history mean . Particularly in the era of black power. And what did that mean in a revision of black history . Of course if i can get to this work. So you can see that in the 1970s, along with your book by al rabito, there were tons of books coming out about slave ry revising the kind of estimation of slavery and all of them made reference to slave communities and slave churches and the invisible institution, as it was called. All of them made references to this or gene genovese asked the question why didnt slaves in the United States rebel more . Why didnt they rebel like they might have done in, say, a place like haiti. What kept slaves from rebellion . And what he comes up with, his marxist formulation, is that theres a kind of paternalism and that religion was one thing that kept slaves from rebelling. So these were kind of books that were coming out. The Slave Community wanted to revise by john blessinggame, wanted to revise how people whaund was going on at the time. And i give you the backdrop of the books because its important to understand that this conversation is in an academic conversation with other books. So if you thought about it for a moment, if you thought really hard about whats going on, in the 1920s the American Academic establishment wrote that pretty much that slavery was a good thing, and that people were happy with it. And that after reconstruction, africanamericans were no place to be in politics and so they kind of got wrote out of politics. So this was then a kind of reversal of this. This became a long going conversation through the late 1950s, through the early through the 60s, through the 70s and, of course, we keep getting new studies, but i just wanted to put the context in here for you to understand hamiltons book on the black preacher. So what was that role . Was it the role of pacification . Was it the role of charlatan . And so forth. So the context for black preachers is this. Black preachers are as much american as apple pie. And what i mean by that is black preachers come out of the same stuff that White American preachers come out. So the same stuff that you might have heard of billy graham or billy sunday or from George Whitfield in the 18th century down, richard allen, all of those are coming out of the same source material. Theyre using the bible. Theyre evangelical in the protestant sense. And, of course, the they are showmen. All religious leaders have to be showmen. I dont mean that insultingly, i mean that if you say the mass you have to be a performer. If youre a rabbi, people want you to be an excellent orator, they dont want to be bored when you give expression. So in some ways theres all of this performance that goes with this. And so africanamericans, though, are in this oppressive situation of slavery and then postslavery, building institutions so that people can live. So by politics, i mean how black religious leaders engage the state locally, regionally, or nationally, pertaining to laws and publicly supported social n inequities. I love this. This is taking place harlem. Here lies jim crow a Funeral Service for jim crow that took place on the street. You know, so the social inequities, jim crow, racial apartheid, jane crow, sexual apartheid. Voting, economic disparities. Black ministers in a way different than their white counterparts have had to encounter not just the kind of religious lives of their own people but the very laws that constrict the lives of their people and its important to note that for a while, not now, but for a while the clergy were the most educated people in the United States. So we forget in the 19th century that many of the people who were educated were clergy. This is why Morehouse College was called Atlanta Baptist seminary. Spellman college was called Atlanta Baptist seminary for women, and so forth. These were the educated people and therefore they would take a place in leadership. And, of course, we have now gone over and over again the institutional parameters of the African Methodist Episcopal Church with the starting wilburforce college. These were the educated people and normally your educated people become leaders, spokespersons, whatever the case may be. Because we created indigenous institutions, because sturks that the politics of black people learn politics internal to the institution. So ecclesial politics is first. Where does your politics begin . Inside the church organization, inside the temple organization, inside the rabbi and so forth. So this is where the ecclesial politics become very important, because its a Training Ground so if you want to learn how to lead you need to have an organization to lead so the womens auxiliaries such as the weve read about in the women of church of god in christ, all of those are places where people get training to have leadership. Leadership to and they learn how to play politics. How do you organize your coalition within the church to get something done . Or how do you persuade the clergy that your program is valuable . So Church Politics was the first. As i told you about my grandfather, he became a deacon on sunday and that was a very important role. That was a very political role because you had to be elected deacon in your church. You didnt just become a deacon and then, you know, you want to remain on the deacon board so you had to learn how to roberts rules of order, procedure. Ecclesial politics was a Training Ground, even at the church that you think has no similar organization. It has organization. And everybody forgets that that was an indigenous learning training. My grandmother, born in 1906 understood roberts rules of order better than people i see running the meetings here at ku. And she could rule you. She had a seventh grade education, she could rule you out of order and knew all of the procedures and i was like where did you learn all that . We do this at our church meetings, we take minutes, we take copious notes. We know where what is going and so forth. So ecclesial politics and then theres ecclesial politics between the clergy. That is if youre in an episcopal system, right . A higherarchical system, you ru for bishop. How do you become a bishop . There are people who selfappoint themselves bishops and they start an organization and start calling themselves bishops but there are also people that you have to have that conferred by the people and the other clergy to vote you up the sort of chain and that also requires organizing in politics so theres nothing like going to a baptist convention, an ame convention, a Church Convention of any sort to watch the politics happen because people operate at a very high level and this was a Training Ground for a lot of the people. So this ecclesial politics is a part of that indigenous organizing that is going on. Right . Making sure that people learn the rules of order. I want to give you one example. These are two baptist ministers. One is joseph h. Jackson. He was the head of the National Baptist convention and the other one you well recognize, was Martin Luther king, jr. King wanted joseph jackson, a chicagoan then, to use to be more aggressive about civil rights and joseph h. Jackson did not want to do that at all. He thought that the church shouldnt be in politics. And im going see if i can switch here for a minute, if it will work for me. Come on, come on. Somethings winning there. All right. Its slow. So in kansas city in about 1961 the National Baptists met in kansas city and there was a controversial action going on. So this is from the kings you should look at this site, the kings global site. As a controversial leader of the National Baptist convention, he wasnt controversial, he was elected over and over again even if he had to do it kind of semi fraudulently. Hes like a political leader, right . Jackson often clashed with other baptist ministers including Martin Luther king jr. Who believed jacksons opposition to the use of civil disobedience to achieve civil rights was too conservative. So you have to persuade your people at the convention who should be in. So jackson was not an uneducated man. Very sophisticated, born in mississippi, went to Jackson College which is now Jackson State University then went to Colgate RochesterDivinity School up in rochester, new york where Frederick Douglass is buried. Then he came out here to the midwest, went to an interesting place to get an m. A. At a jesuit school, Creighton University up north from us in omaha. He was ordained as a baptist minister and so forth. So he resisted the civil rights impetus by king and others because he thought that the church shouldnt be in politics. But the thing about jackson was in chicago he was very much in politics. He was very much aligned with mayor richard daley. He was very much aligned with daley and others because he da. And others because he wanted his people to get jobs. He want td his people to get things. In chicago politics meant you had to be aligned with the machine. The daily machine. So while he on the one hand was saying no i dont want the National Baptist to be involved in this civil rights too much, he on the other hand in chicago politics tried to be kind of like a mini political boss. So anyway, in by 1960 theres a out right battle to take over the convention from jackson. And at the 1961 convention you see this paragraph. In kansas city, missouri. They both chamed the presidency. Two people a famous black preacher from new york city. Brooklyn. And a scuffle broke out. And a man got pushed off the stage. And died. You know baptist ministers all churches can get in a scuffle. They got in scuffle. Of course what happened is that jackson blames king for this. And right op eds. This is the internal politics of a community. And however bad this might seem this was the struggle. It led to the formation of another baptist convention. Called the progressive baptic. One cant tell another baptist what to do. These are the internal organizing politics of a community. And so all of them knew the procedures, the ways of moving and theres always a power struggle. A power struggle for who will run the institutional levers of the community. During reconstruction, there were roughly 2,000 black elected officials nationally. They were all males given the 15th amendment in roughly a third are more were clergy. Point out to you Henry Mcneil Turner in the Georgia State house the other day. That he as an bishop. They were a part of it. They were the reading populous. The question was whether or not these clergy people were on the side of their own people or whether on the side of or too easy to compromise. This is the question scholars ask all the time. Do they compromise, are they selling out the people. Theres a myth that black clergy are selling out their people for their own selfinterest. Some are some arent. But this is a kind of that black clergy had to be the spokesman because many of them not all of them had access to the kind of education that was needed to make legislation. One thing that you you have to understand, black faith, religion grew up in oppression. So it had the speak of protest politics. It had always addressed the issue of inequity. Not in this as a matter of local church issue but as a national issue. Slavery was a National International in many ways. Slaifr ri went from argentina. To all the way to the north american through the caribbean. So clergy were always speaking. This one particular clergymen henry garnet. Really wanted to say like he called for slave rebellion. That he believed that slaves should rebel against their master. One he thought this because first of all he said it violated his own theological proposition. The sabbath. He said slavery violates the sabbath. So scholars often miss this point of his. This is a violation of the sabbath and that means this is not a god given institution. As a slave holders. They are damaging people. They are working people. Even god took a day off. On the seventh day. And the sabbath ought to be honored. Slavery has stretched its dark wings of death over the land the church stood silently by the priest prof sized falsely is the people love to have it. Its established and now it reigns triumph. 3 million of the fellow souths are prohibited by law and public opinion. Which is stronger than law. From reading the book of light. You couldnt read the pibl because slaves couldnt read. It was against the law. So hes a good protestant. Its the bible for him. The protestant version, right . He dies in and buried in liberia. So like henry turner, people began to think maybe i should return to the african continent. You see this is a long tradition of people protesting the very public sphere. This is not a new thing in black life. Womens movements. Within black protestant churches are also a political ground. More women scholars study club women a great deal. More women went to church than they did joining black womens clubs. That will get hit by scholar friends who study black club movements. More women went to church. More ordinary will went to church. This is where they learned their politics. They first learned their politics sometimes in support of or against their clergy. Sometimes they learned politics in support of or against their clergy. If they didnt agree with the clergy they would hold funds. Two if they want the clergy person out they would whisper. Three, many of thoem were married to the deacons. And they would say, get that person out. So its a form of politics going on. And also black clergy as i have told you before are trying to make sure they dont make sure that women dont do dont get amass too much power. So its a power struggle. Sometimes about who was going to control. Womens movement within black churnls are all over. Methodist. You name it. Of course our reading was from women of the church of god and christ. Ill move up a bit. This is my man reverend ike. You see td jakes. Kref low dollar. If youre a student of black churches you watch these people. If you havent seen them you can go on you tube and see them. Reverend ike is one of the most fascinating americans. Why i jump is because most people associate black clergy with a reverend ike or big tell evangelist. Hes the father of in the prosperity gospel. Thats been around a long time. Before, there was an American History was norman peel. Be happy. Think and grow rich. Positive attitude. So having good faith what the people think confers value. These have always been with in the american psych. And from. 19th century. Being positive, being selfreliant. But there was nobody quite like him. And in this regard. See if my so this is from the New York Times. This is his obitua