Welcome everybody. Am the director unfortunately, there are travel our guestsone of that were going to join us for the panel will not be able to make it anymore. We are mindful that there is an all male panel and we are doing as much is possible to include women in our vents. In our events. It is important to address how resolutions can be important to all venezuelans. We are discussing a very timely topic the implications of the tr,ican treaty, known as for its initials in spanish. The United States and 11 other invoked at the treaty to facilitate original response to the crisis in venezuela. On september 23 the 19 membert of countries voided and agreed to onose targeted sanctions Nicolas Maduro and also pledged to meet again within two months to discuss additional measures. These deliberations have potential implications for u. S. Policy and that is why we are here to walk us through the implications and what the treaty means, and how this affects the crisis. A timely issuey because the interim president , juan guaido is meeting at the davos as we speak, but the treaty shed some light on what is left in the policy toolkit in venezuela. Treaty thatave this has given room to more options, and that is what we want to get into. There are two Big Questions for this discussion that i want to make sure that every single one in the room leaves with clarity and some answers to those two Big Questions. The first one, what is the treaty and what are the implications and the venezuelan crisis. The second question, what is treatynt from the compared to the sanctions and diplomatic measures that we already have imposed on the maduro regime. So how does the treaty make our International Response diplomatically . We have a great panel to talk on those questions. Thank you for joining. Thank two ambassadors for joining us for this timely startsion, and we will with you, thank you for joining. The floor is yours. I want to think csis and especially moise rendon, and his team, for hosting this. Has become an important tool to the entire government of juan guaido and of his International Campaign against maduro and his criminal regime. He was claiming that [indiscernible] to the United States. 2019, we have convened the consultation of Foreign Ministers and implemented two resolutions aimed at involving maduros support base. Despite these diplomatic achievements, we cannot escape reality. O remains in power, and his ofime shows little signs ending his totalitarian way. Wasfferent era, the world in the conflicts that [indiscernible] smaller, thee world was far less connected, and the most important thing in communications where very and controlled by a few countries or a few companies. Without leaving an area of conflict between states and nonstate actors that is you. Criminal Enterprises Like drug cartel has allowed the rise of organizations. We can say the same about activities not limited by the state. This is proven to be regional and global powers operating in venezuela. Furthermore, we live in a world where a small group of people with access to the Internet Technology can weaponize Public Opinion and influence the masses the very this is evidence of the global disinformation war of propaganda. Seen userhas accounts deceiving the public with devious messages. Last sunday, a person wrote in the spanish newspaper, we have seen how Russian Hackers are soarning how to w confusion to deepen the differences and conflict ort further exists create new ones. They do not only in the neighboring countries, but in any country in the world, hackers and russian bots have intervened in catalonia, brexit, ukraine, and more countries. But that is not only the advance to use of what the government cause political technologies. They also have the ability to andcyber weapons communications, transportation in another country. A few days ago, last sunday, a New York Times correspondent wrote that watching political explode andss south america releasing a pattern in otherwisement that have little in common. 10 with being leaked by russia. In bolivia, immediately after despiteorales day to fewer0 a than five a day. Period, russian leaked accounts with a similar message within 19 minutes of one another. The First Quarter of 2018, it showed that russia, in spanish, had nearly 100 million visits in one month. These outlets not only spread misinformation, and in one month, russia had access to weapons of the population of the region and provide them with news and entertainment. This which was hooked on anybody can where be reached. Is not of the security issues. Maduro allows a lot of shame of the blame. It says put it social peace in crisis. Forceope that that will to focus on domestic policy and the forcing of his ouster. Perhaps he has aligned himself with notorious drug cartels, gangs, granting them haven in thesafe socalled revolution. This is pushing for the people, especially those who live in other states. Groups while criminal gangs fight an all out war for the resources. It does not take into account this new form of war. Can assume country ways that did not exist in 1947. The possibility of a government coopted by an illegitimate coordinated with nonstate actors to clear the domestic and foreign condition for its arrival. In this context, we conceive that the maduro regime represents the instability of the region and the state. Tool toresents as a channel solution to this new kind of environment. Tool, itas with any needs to be updated to reflect the 21st century. This means being creative about the action to take to deal with the issues we face. Ideas, to be open to new to think outside of the box, because the cost of not doing so is too great. The resources of one of the world andions of the this movement. Thank you. You, ambassador. Points that iey want to go back to you. Thank you for joining. How do you see the tr playing into the venezuelan crisis . I want to thank you for the invitation, and it is a pleasure with me to join. And all of my colleagues here, thank you for being together. Has providedrre some context and i think it is very appropriate that he did so. I will try to address short remarks why we consider the tr an invaluable tool for us for the pressure and obtaining some of our objectives in the region, and at the same time, these remarks are structured around what would be considered to be three main misperceptions about the tr. I will address those very shortly and then of course, i am open to the q a after we finish. That ther to say treaty recently has been one of the most Creative International instruments for south americans. Think it, probably, i is unfair, but probably the treaty has a very bad reputation. Matter of the implication of the real treaty. First misperception, that the real treaty is an instrument of the real treaty has been 20 situations since it was written in 1948. My colleagues have helped me in putting together a brief summary of these 20 different situations in which we have invoked the treaty. And none of these treaties lead a military intervention effectively. Can make and exclaim or disclaimer regarding 1962. We certainly have to make the disclaimer because there was a actuallyn in 1962 that authorized the use of force. However nevern reached the Security Council in served as so it leverage, political leverage, and helped to contain the situation and finally resolve it. But it was not under the umbrella of the tr. The majority of situations referred to traditional threats involving two or more Member States at the organization of american states, and the with the in general vision of territory. Cases has itfour been applied to address issues that involve an extra continental threat. 1962, which involved the threats revolving from the government at the time. The question of the violence in 1982, in the united kingdom. And the 9 11 terrorist attacks in 2001. Before the situation in venezuela, 2001 was the previous case in which we invoked this. So far, from being military intervention, the treaty is effective for peaceful mediation of conflicts. It is a little awkward to say so, but it is actually how and if you look at that historical perspective, you will agree with me. In the case of the present venezuelan crisis, it is not on the table. For tuning the treaty. In this specific instance, we have not considered adoption of measures of using force. The second mr. Misperception is that the real is outdated. That it should not exist anymore. , the real treaty was designed with a collective defense mechanism in the context of the cold war. It was effective when it was used and applied to situations like cuba, when cuba acted. Eventually, before, the vast majority of these cases where applied,l treaty was to traditional threats involving two or more countries with no direct relation to the cold war. If you look at the situation that i mentioned, in reference onlye cold war, perhaps unclear in 1962. Broad,l treaty is a legal basis that can be applied to a set of different situations extravers not only continental threats, but also open to situations as it is stated with the ability or integrity of the political defendants and should be affected by the aggression, or even not by any other situation that might endanger the peace of the americas. That is a provision and the treaty. In situations are reflected article six, are the basis for the two situations that justify our view. The 9 11 terrorist attacks and the present in venezuela. We consider the real treaty to option that survived the cold war and proves to be a very useful tool for us. We want to include the third misperception that the real to be cleareed about this, it was not designed to put the lens on an entire regime. Not a means to restore democracy in any given country. So what is the role of the real treaty in the venezuelen crisis . In my humble opinion, the main purpose of the real treaty is to address the threats that the maduro regime poses to security and stability in the region. Security impacts in the region are the consequence of the criminal states, and if you look at the migration crisis, for instance. Also referring to much more serious situations like the free operation of criminal gangs inside the venezuelan territory, which is obviously a source of major concern for the neighboring countries. Resolutions we have adopted so far in the real treaty, establish the mechanism to investigate and to punish persons associated with the maduro regime responsible for transactional, organizational crime. If you look at september last year and the most recent one through december, they established the operation with agents in charge of and it ision, supposed to bring us with suggestions on how to deal with the situations in a collective manner. It allows measures to address this International Crisis in venezuela. It targets one specific and very significant component of the crisis, but the real treaty alone will not restore democracy in venezuela. This is a task for the venezuelan people. Concluding remarks. Not for thereaty is venezuelan crisis, but it is a useful tool to prevent the continue the to destabilization in the region. Is ar two, the treaty legally binding agreement. Like enforcing the travel ban we have adopted last december and 29 with the maduro regime. The decision to sanction the 29 persons of the maduro regime illustrates a measure that could not be implemented in most Legal Systems and could not be applied for the real treaty because the real treaty establishes that other than the of all of the decisions that are mandatory for the states. Number three, all of the measures on the treaty are off of the table. The redline for us has been the use of force which is not been an option. It has proved effective in this regard. Of combined treaty measures by the international whole, to examine people in finding back to democracy. Ill be available later for your questions. Moises thank you, ambassador. Frome are going to hear our beloved Senior Advisor at , he was an ambassador to chileia and recently. An advisor tost csis, i am an uncompensated Senior Advisor to csis. [laughter] ladies and gentlemen, you have had the benefit of hearing from experts on the tr treaty now let us hear from one, who clearly acknowledges he is not an expert. Not familiar with the total history of the rio treaty, not even an brain, but he does have a and capable of at least offering some suggestions as to why the should be a helpful for them or tool western hemisphere and its governments to deal with the venezuela crisis. I will offer 6 reasons. After all, if ambassador simas can offer three, i should be able to offer double that number. [laughter] first, it is an excellent mechanism for coordination among western hemisphere governments because it is a formal, Legal Mechanism. The lima group is a superb coordinated mechanism but it is an informal grouping. It does not have legal status if you will. I am strongly in favor of the work of the lima group and equally in favor of cooperation second, it strengthens the thetion, the authorities, credibility of the organization of american states. On matters in this hemisphere, particularly matters related to venezuela, that is an important positive element. Wasrio treaty, in essence, promulgated and ratified through the oas mechanism. Application of the rio treaty provides greater strength and greater authority, whether moral or legal or simply perception around the world to the oas. Third, the rio treaty is an effective mechanism for messaging other International Organizations and ngos throughout the world, as to the seriousness with which the nations of the western crisisere are taking the and the consequences of the crises in venezuela today. Those International Organizations can be the United Nations and its constituent elements. The humanitarian, the economic, the human rights suborganizations of the United Nations. It can also be regional organizations, such as the european union, african union, the other regional organizations around the world. Woulde Ngo Community include and incorporate the humanitarian ngos, human rights ngos, economic ngos. All of them benefit and receive a message when the nations of the western hemisphere talk about their treaty for reciprocal assistance within the hemisphere. Fourth, let us be frank. At some point, as i have said many times over the last two years, at some point, we know how this book ends in venezuela. Iwe in a sense know how the final chapter ends. What we dont know is how many chapters there will be between now and the end, and how long the final chapter will be. The rio treaty served to some extent as a useful mechanism for talking about, discussing, considering, and even preparing for some form of hemispheric, multinational role when the moment arrives that there is some form of transition in venezuela. It could be as a result of invitation from the government or the interim government in office in venezuela. Or it could be by unanimous conclusion within the hemisphere that the situation has reached such a level that some form of International Cooperation to address it is an important thing. And, the rio treaty would contribute to an organized and carefully coordinated process should the hemisphere reach that conclusion. Talked,th, we have every single one of us have talked about the humanitarian crisis. The fact that somewhere between five and 6 million venezuelan citizens have left their nation as refugees due to the situation at home. Overwhelmingly the nations of the western hemisphere that are accepting those refugees and bearing the consequences of those movements. Ladies and gentlemen, if we ever reach the point where with or without invitation, a decision is reached collectively to provide humanitarian assistance the riothin venezuela, morey is perhaps a effective, formal, Legal Mechanism for both considering and eventually delivering that assistance should that be the decision. And finally, i conclude the same way i have concluded oh, so many of my presentations on venezuel a over the last two years. Why do i think the rio treaty is a politically effective device or mechanism today . Talkingin my opinion, about the rio treaty and, in fact, applying specific provisions of the rio treaty, in producee opinion, sleepless or at least disturbed sleeping evenings, perhaps for mr. Nicolas maduro or for his excellent minister of defense, mr. Lopez. I would frankly argue that anything that has them concerned about what might actually happen, what might finally be decided by the other nations of this hemisphere in terms of the rio treaty is actually a good thing, regardless of what happens. The fact that they are worried about it is good. The fact they have to take that into account as they assess and determine how they will deal with the opposition, how they will deal with the interim Constitutional Government or president of the republic of venezuela is a good thing. Ladies and gentlemen, the rio treaty is an extremely complicated issue through the 3 years of, 74, 7 history in the western hemisphere. I suggest to you that we should not look upon the rio treaty as we assess its branches, its leaves and the veins on the branches of the leaves. That could take as years and years of discussion. The rio treaty in my metaphor is a large forest. Walking to the forest and it can take you in almost any direction you wish to go. Of course, we must have a clear enough sense and understanding of the treaty, the leaves and branches and the veins on the leaves to know what is permitted or not permitted in the forest, but the force gives us a multitude of options. Lets keep those options open. N, i that, dr. Rendo relinquish the floor. Thank you. We have a lot of material to cover. I would like to go back to the ambassadors. Connected to what ambassador brown was telling us about the treaty and how it can be helpful. On one hand, we have support from russia, iran, china, cuba on the maduro regime. More isolated than ever before. We have a regime that is sanctioned, that is not recogni