assaulted. it is the living politics. [applause] say that wanted to next question,he one of the most interesting moments in my political education is when i came out of prison in 1999. that aber very clearly friend of mine talk to me about the privileges i had that i did not know i had. he was talking about rebuilding my life. i looked at him and got angry. i said, first of all i just got a prison. i'm still on parole. shut up about my perl urges -- my privileges. explained to me, you know what, brother, let me talk to you about the things that you never knew or understood you have. it was a telling moment. he said, you have amle privilege. -- male privilege. i said, what he is saying, man? i'm fresh out of the joint. he said, what have you ever done to protect your self from someone raping you when you walk all midnight. you came here and became a citizen. what happens to you when you get arrested and go to prison, versus a person undocumented thrown in prison and not charge anything and cap there for an elongated. period of time. i thought about these things. i thought about all the privileges i have it i thought about the way someone is landed to me. tell me about that explaining process on the ground, because if there is a bullet and my arm and i put my hand in there and rip it out, you are going to think i am torturing you. that i am going to make a cut, take it out, so you, give you pals -- that is the difference of explaining the truth to someone and throwing the truth at them. why? youdn't you be angry if were sleeping comfortably and somebody shook you at 4:00 in the morning just to tell you the truth? >> real quick, and then you jump in. believe and live by the need to lead. most impacted when, everybody wins. [applause] should be a vested interest just to use gender as a vestede -- there is interest for all people to be wanting to and gender oppression. the truth is, please murders are not just gender related, they are patriarchal. that, peopleabout saying here we go with that again. those most impacted our women, queer folks, trans folks. if we begin to look at the movement around please murders and look at the question of as present asst the racial discourse, number one, we would have included more movement in the -- people in the movement. in terms of victims and police --der, but we would always also begin to include other forms of violence committed by police on black communities. violence you of hear about is violence that is considered masculine, the shot, the choke, the punch, the billy club. about sexual violence, forcing people to strip. so not only are we talking about ander impacting queer folks -- we have abut deep and vested interest in all that. i think people should get behind me because they like me. there is a selfish solidarity, there is an interest participate. do >> what they said. [laughter] [applause] >> i believe we have time for one more. just to get a personal understanding. i told a story about a time i experienced police were taught me when i was 12 years old and talked about people who are activists in a movement, on ongoing theme, people as activists and a movement not bread in a lab. most of them were people who were just living their regular lives and they could not turn away from the injustices they saw. in majority of the people this room are here because when you turn on your television or read your paper or when you find your news however it may be on the internet, you see a world you want to change, that you want to help to become better. what would that be for the two of you? it does not have to be an active in the moment, maybe a collective moment when you decided this is my calling, this is who i am? i think for me i was raised in a beautiful, loving black community. raised by my grandmother and her friends. many of them could not write their names. mrs. was a woman named roberta. she worried as me to calm and read to me, boy. everyone puts her hands together for the guy who is keeping our time together. as i was raised in a beautiful, loving black community that love to jesus and loved justice, a grandmother who taught me to read at four years old, a community of semiliterate people who placed an emphasis on the life of the mind. the other part in terms of how i arrived -- i grew up in st. louis. i am from there. there was something about seeing nonprofessional organizers in the streets. so those images of kids with tattoos and sagging pants, these , they got a whole thing, but comprehension is not requisite for compassion. you may not understand it. i did not understand what was happening. i still don't. i knew that some young folks from a poor, working-class community, highly police to, experiencing these major article masculine forms of violence, high levels of surveillance by the police forces, alienated and demonized by the black church, nonprofitsources, no industrial complex, al sharpton and their, just some poor kids who said i'm not going home. as a religious creature, we tend to be reactionary and conservative. of a missionary trying to say christianity from itself. the braddock allergy of these clear -- braddock radicality of these youth in the streets. streets in ap the different way. street, i gotthe to be in the street. i was born in the streets of ferguson. i have seen the face of god. and god is queer. god is angry. god is a single mother. god said -- the police. and so what has happened for me a space topened up find my own radical voice in a different way that it forced me out of the pulpit. i resigned from my congregation. [applause] >> i moved back to st. louis. day chasing of my behind young papal -- people. baby, don't do that. baby, this is how you do civil disobedience. baby, don't do that. even when they're wrong, i never say a word about them in public that they are wrong. i will always defend them. now on going to cost them out when we get in the room. they are only children. for the white folks, particularly for the white left, right ideas don't lead to write behavior. did not dominate european philosophy for a hundred years until hitler popped out. we are only going to win when every time they shoot a black baby down in the street, you bring your paper, you bring your body. [applause] everything they need. they don't need your revolutionary consciousness. they already got it. way, ashow up in a church basement somewhere, with some everyday people and figure out how you can support them and stand with them, i'm telling you you might be born again. you --y possibility for for us to win is for you to fundamentally believe that you have as much to risk and in-state -- at stake in our trouble as black people themselves. that means show up and shut up. >> right on. [applause] what they said. [laughter] [applause] up with a moral stronghold. my grandmother was in church more than she was home. -- really and dr. david indoctrinated me. i grew up knowing it was wrong. older and begin to , systemsferent things analysis, what ever, on top of that. natural.t the really did it is -- in beginning, we played rock, paper, and scissors. if you are black, clear, poor -- queer, poor -- everything is against me. status against me in terms of incarceration and freedom. sexual violence, domestic violence being acted out. everything around me says if you queer, this is what the state has for me. paper, us didn't rock, scissors, and said if we do, we going to go fighting. i don't have a choice what choice do i got? this is the only way i know how to live. can feelng you that i her. if i don't get out in the streets, i can't sleep at night. isn't it more safe to run from the police that it is to stay here and do something, right? i have been in it ever since. [applause] i just want to say that this is a topic we have touched on before, the idea of faith playing a role in somebody's revolutionary mentality. you claim jesus as your personal savior or if you are muslin or jewish or hindu or ist ever faith you have, it not just enough to say that is what you are, right? if i say i am a martial artist and a child comes in here -- or i say i am a doctor and i can't do the heimlich maneuver, then i'm not really a doctor. i'm not really aged just sue master. at the same time, if you're going to talk about jesus or revolution or revolutionary movements, then you have to walk in those steps of jesus to be a christian. you have to feed the poor. that theytell them can't get married to someone because of a line in a book. withl be out in the street the prostitutes, the people so poor that they can't afford any other living so they are selling their hotties in the slum. bodies in the slum. that we realize this conversation isn't just limited to the faith we have in a god that is supposed to separate us from our revolutionary politics. that is our heaven. getting there is our journey. is our guide. i thank you very much. please give it up for the panelists and for yourselves. [applause] >> that was a great panel, right? [applause] >> all righty. we will transition into the second portion of our panel. pretty coolave some folks who have been out on the ground. hello. >> if you can grab your microphone. to think about everything that was being said, and i was having a hard time wrap up what was said. the best way to do that is to share the work i am doing in los angeles. working with young people in front of the high schools -- i don't know if you all know -- los angeles is the epicenter of counterinsurgency and police suppression. young people are faced with the nations largest to school police department and some of which -- they receive some weapons through the 1033 program, which tanks, grenade launchers, everything we saw in ferguson. for a lot of the black young people we were working with, a lot of their questions and that our demands and seem to be centered around reforming the system that is trying to harm us. how do we have a broader conversation about a broader black plan. how do we fight against counterinsurgency? every weapon we see inside our schools or in our community is a signal to us that the system is going to war with us. it is a system to young people that you are not going to be the .ext malcolm we are trying to suppress that before you can even think that. i think that was the best way for me to think about some of the work about getting on the ground and fighting. portion of the panel, we will be addressing the state and also talking about national organizational politics situated -- radical lateral process. the first question i wanted to ask is would you share with us movement building and you're left political experience. where is the nature of revolutionary organizations today? and dig deep and talk about ,ragmentation, alienation between revolutionary organizations in your own experience. >> i'll start. the clearest way to start with that question is to actually look to the past. when we are talking about the fragmentation of the left today or even the smallness of the left today, i think we have to look at that in the context of what happens to the left during the last black insurgency and during the last -- when there was a larger significant left at the end of the 1960's and 1970's. i think that there were a couple a things at play in terms of concerted effort to destabilize the left. in this case, i talk specifically about the black left. on the one hand, there was the unquestionable assault by the state to crush and obliterate black revolutionaries, and even the black radicalism, from the destruction of detroit and allowing detroit to end up in the situation that it is today, to the massacre of black panthers, to the incarceration of black panthers and other black radicals. i think that that was a clear, unquestionable, aspect of that strategy of the state in not just undermining the left, but really to obliterate any notion that you should fight back, that you should resist, that you should have a different conception of what society and life should be like. other part of that, we have oppression -- the other part is co-optation and the absorption of a layer of african-americans into the system to demonstrate that american capitalism could work, could be successful, and to also shifted the burden of governing black urban spaces at that time from white political machines to black political machines, with the hope that that would be able to help remove at least one of the antagonisms that was driving the black rebellion of the 1960's. in many ways, the left is still recovering from this very effortative -- concerted at destabilization in the 1960's and 1970's, but i think where the hope lies -- it's very difficult to talk about the rebuilding of the left outside of the context of the rebuilding of social movements in general. so, i think we are in a situation now where for the first time in more than a generation, there is actually a living, breathing social movement unfolding right in our midst, right now, and that represents to me the best hope and possibility of the revitalization of the bride left, but also the revolutionary left as well. [applause] >> thank you. [applause] yeah, i think that is a great starting place. organizinging out of around occupy, although that was not the first organizing that i did. i actually first worked with a group of african-american women as part of the anti-iraq war movement. i later got involved in the occupied actually. i think one of the key aspects building a left or considering what a left might be or should be right now is something about how we look towards a shared political horizon and what that means, a shared vision for our future. i think of that probably a lot of the fragmentation that we see is because there is not really coherent, and even as we speak about it, we are talking specifically right now about black lives of matter and the audience is mostly a white audience. we have to sort of grapple with what that means and how is it of unfoldinge work and creating spaces in which a process can unfold where we are able to come to gather and develop a shared vision. i think that when we think about organizing, one of the key moments definitely was occup because we didn't do this well in spite of the other problems. we were very open and invited everyone in. that was problematic and allowed for opportunities for repression to destroy a burgeoning movement , but we learned a lot about what it means to organize. the work is not about organizing per se. it is about how we come together and understand and relate to one another fundamentally. i think in terms of a revolutionary movement , i think that is one of the starting places we would want to look at, creating spaces where we can come together and develop a shared politic, shared social horizon in which we transform and relate to one another fundamentally. >> one more thing about that, thatse i agree with all and would also add that we are talking about rebuilding a left that we need what is left of it to be a part of that process. it is worth saying that to me that that is an attempt to synthesize history and politics in such a way as to figure out how to move our struggles forward. sometimes that history and politics doesn't just naturally arise out of the struggle itself. would be, we probably a lot further along than we actually are today. the, you think about the black panther party at the end of the 1960's. i think it was 1968 or 1969, black panthers were selling their newspaper, 100,000 copies a week, right? do ishat newspaper would reconnect the movement at the time with its history and tradition in a way in this country is so savagely ripped from us. people have no idea of what the history and traditions of our movement is, whether it is the black movement, people don't know the struggles of the 1930's, the struggles of the 1960's, and that knowledge and information doesn't just calm out of thin air. it comes from people in this room, like people who identify as part of a left and who have made it part of their job to reconnect with that history and learn and understand the history, who have the responsibility to not just transmit it in an artificial way, but to invest themselves in the existing movement and become organically connected to them, not in a cheerleading way even, but as an organic expression of the movement that exists. part of the effort is to reconnect our rich history and tradition of struggle in this country aside from struggles that have gone on across the world and to reconnect the new to reconnect to the new generation of revolutionaries and radicals who aren't is getting into the struggle. a role to play in that area that can look like many different things in different ways, but it is important to recognize the the left that exists right now and how do we build on it. [applause] that -- has been at andcore of revolution counterrevolution. jim crow, apartheid. in ourh do you think society or the movement, people are cognizant or thinking about that? >> are thinking about history? i'm not sure of the answer. i think they are thinking about history. thatss what i would say to come ofoncern i have the way we analyze the history and do not fantasize it. particularly within the african-american committees, we fetish in of the civil rights movement. to say the least. challenging because that does not allow us to have struggles.tional we have a generation of people who pride themselves on the amazing work they did at a particular time. generationr my and younger, we have seen less results from that. on the one hand, we have -- we need to look to that history. but part of that analysis needs to be what has changed. how have the dynamics of power fundamentally changed. what are we up against and fighting for? imagining and envisioning for ourselves? history andand, anybody who knows the work i do, it is based on history. it is very important. on the other hand, we need a new analysis and work together think about how our manifest itself -- power manifests itself. whether looking nationally is the most effective strategy . since we have power constructs that are multinational. that morph and grow and are very flexible across borders. thinking we of the need, to create spaces in which we can do that together. not from the perspective of coming with a belief about how things were in the past or how they should be. more of a kind of collective grappling. some kind of decision-making and action. process that we can , start to manifest, what that future might look like. one thing we have seen and we were talking about before the panel, we had a great conversation. we said we wished we could be up there right now talking. the ways in which current politics, particularly having a black president, what an existential breakthrough that was for people in spite of the results of that. it is not one thing, it is multiple things at the same time. what has come out with the black lives matter movement is some kind of glimmer beyond this political system. some kind of glimmer beyond capitalism. ms. taylor: sort of what i was speaking to before, then need for people to understand what our history is. to be reconnected with that particularly the history of radicalism and struggle. so much work it goes into disconnecting us from that history. it is one way too thick about the schools crisis. our youngonly robbing people of the basic education but we think about what passes for history in this country. it underlines the point even more dramatically. beyond history lessons and all that which i think is important, we have to have a sense for what is different right now. and the new challenges this political moment present to us in a way i think we are all still in the process of trying to figure out. what does it mean to have this movement emerge in the context of the highest concentration of black political power in american history? that actually break of the blackition freedom struggle where historically african-americans across class lines have been pushed together in a common about black ideas freedom and black liberation? what does that mean now when you baltimoreck mayor in mobilizing the military to crush and put down a black rebellion? how does that change what we have historically thought about what the black freedom struggle represented? book we canhistory look to to solve that question. that is something we have to figure out in the current a moment. there has to be a balance of both. knowing the traditions of our movement but also we have to understand the contemporary dynamics. on effects of neoliberalism our political movements. the effects of the enshrinement of black political power on our movements. we have to deal with those new questions as well. [applause] in thinking about the left, what are some of the strengths and weaknesses of transformative political movements today. ms. taylor: perhaps one of the is the problems we have continued division between just, i inequality and will stick with this one, racial inequality. more generally, questions of oppression. i will be controversial perhaps. that in thet context of some of the left's enthusiasm for bernie sanders's run for president. i understand that. i answer that that. there is a candidate who's actually willing to talk about poor people as something more than a prop. you thinkk that when about the quickness with which sections of the left could be willing to jettison justice for sanderse, which bernie is committed to the state of israel. or you think about the lack of response around a black lives matter, the one interview he did on this question was to begin by speaking about how difficult it is to be a police officer in the united states. in the rush to embrace a candidacy that rightfully talks about the problems of economic inequality in this country, who has veryut little to say about the questions of racial oppression in nothing to say about the issue of american imperialism, that is a problem for the left. the inability to integrate those two things into a coherent is happening in the world today. we have to talk about a boat race and class. we can't continue to separate issues of racial inequality from issues of economic inequality. in some ways, if you look at the development of the political st'sment, the more significant, occupy, which failed to integrate issues of racial oppression. even though people were trying and there were efforts to do that, they had difficulty and degrading and analysis of racial oppression into our understanding of economic inequality. you have seen the black lives matter movement begin to address some of that gap. activists and people who have been involved in the organizing have not confine themselves to the narrow issue of police brutality. today have been able to connect issues of policing with issues of poverty and inequality in the neighborhoods where black people are concentrated. in some ways, that is the product of what king said was ce of the black movement itself. it crystallizes more than any other struggle in the u.s. the contradictions of american capitalism. struggle shows more than anything me problems of andsm, militarization, commercialism in american society. that is why it has often be the -- been the lack struggle that is the pivot to social movements in general. you can begin to see the makings of that the black lives matter movement which has been able to highlight racial inequality and put it in a context of growing economic inequality in the u.s.. [applause] >> what is really interesting has been that the economic piece has been left out. putf, let'sea body cameras on them. that peopleideas have not really endorsed. part of this conflict and the difficulty talking about both race and class at the same time is something that may come through in this conversation that african-american people have been vocal about ongoing ly which is about liberation. the assimilation techniques that it haslack president, been about liberation, liberation from race itself. how do you get out of that situation of being racialized, dehumanized? is it i driving a bmw? all these levels are there to this. it is always somehow articulated understanding, for liberation. you mentioned palestine. i work on a lot of palestinian issues. i am involved in them and care a lot, very deeply about them. you hear liberation mentioned as part of that struggle. liberationally hear articulated as part of the process for white americans. it makes it very difficult. theay be that understanding, the self understanding does not feel necessarily like something one would need or desire to be liberated from. also until weible can articulate that common mayct of liberation itself, be those are liberations from different forms of racial is ization, understanding the way the class conversation is racialized, we will not be able to formulate something that is cohesive. idea of sure about the organizations coming together on the ground and doing work on different campaigns and that ever generating something that is cohesive. i have a feeling that is going to come from a human transformation of some sort. transformation in the way we understand our identities. i'm not sure we can view that without a struggle for liberation. i wonder if that struggle also everyone intty much this room in various ways. if we can look toward that together as a way to move forward. [applause] ms. franklin: we have a few minutes left. we are having these conversations about theories and ideologies around the left. let's ground it a little bit. can.ple sentence if you maybele one sentence -- one with a lot of semicolons. what do you see as the national presence of the left? the national politics of the left? formational organization of the left? is there anything you can name as the on the ground of the left? i said in one sentence. now it is going to be three words. ms. taylor: i don't know if you can identify a single grouping, a single idea. i think we are at the beginning in thislding the left country. it is not to say people haven't been doing this work for many years, but it is in a different context. we are looking at the development of the most important social movement in ofs country since the end the last iteration of the black freedom struggle. that changes everything. whatever people think they were over the last several years, which i think has actually been important because it means we are not reinventing the wheel, we are not starting from scratch. we have to raise our horizons and think bigger. really quick in terms of the previous question, one of the big challenges is how do we get bigger. how do we build a much bigger more powerful left. i think that means looking at it not as white people need to look toward these movements in an ultra stick. white people need to do the rest of us the favor of getting involved as if it is some sort of moral crusade. we have to see how our fates are tied together. some are on the bottom and being tread into the ground. it is within the context of bill gates, billionaires trying to future.everyone's if you are not part of the 1%, things are not looking good for you in the u.s. moniker in some ways symbolize that process. but it is also true. we have to figure out on what organizingwe unity. it is not on the basis of telling other people their issues are unimportant and they need to wait until we deal with the meat and potatoes economic issues. it is not that at all. seedyd to make everyone fight against racism is central. the fight against sexism is central. all of that is central to our struggle and that is how we are going to build the type of unity and unified movement we need to ires on the billiona literally trying to destroy the planet. that is the future of our movement. [applause] ms. franklin: if you can do it in one sentence. : i think it is a challenging question. i'm not sure i can answer it in one sentence. there is no real way to define the current left and that might be part of what we need to struggle with right now. it is many things, many different organizations, and theres working, is not one sentence or coherent way to define the left right now. [applause] franklin: let's give it up for our panelists. [applause] ms. franklin: we are going to another speaker back up on stage. i would like to welcome him as well as mr. ford and another. i want to interrupt these proceedings to give a shout out. it is not to any member of my family. i want to shout out to people who have been organizing to keep the center open. [applause] ofich is a beacon revolutionary organizing open to everyone in the public. we are not trying to monopolize this space. well we are talking about monopolies, i want to make a quick observation. being a person who travels through asia, africa, and latin america, do you know what i see what american or european committees go there? they are not terrified of socialism. there are horrified of real capitalism. their problem is they go to these places and try to set up a monopoly. in thed a company store 60's and 70's. in the 80's, they flipped it back and talked about how they would help the people. buy -- resources would we are going to have a conversation about establishment, revolutionary politics, and please welcome glenn ford and charles. [applause] >> often, when people say a tate fails, the economic system is always the scapegoat. sten you find a capitali state that fails, the regime is blamed. tell me in your opinions. process. did capitalism fail in america? yes, no, why? capitalism is defined by catastrophe followed by better times, certainly for the employers. it is boom and bust. the contradictions of the system do accumulate. they have been acumen waiting for a long time. the ability of the system to export those contradictions, like by forming colonies around land,rld, stealing instituting slavery in getting the labor, that has allowed capitalist boom and bust economy to export its contradictions. you can't do that forever. now we are in what i think is a time of fatal decline. with finance capital hegemonic. call all theey shots. these are people who make nothing but want to monetize and control everything. capitalismrisis of is possibly the hegemony of the financial class. they certainly don't know how to do anything in terms of organizing the world. they don't have the long-term visions. profit.for the maximum in so make multiple mistakes all of the time. there say dear is that the u.s. savior is thatir the u.s. military is as large as all the others in the world. this tends to encourage wild capitalists to more adventures which lead to more which they think can be papered over by the military might of the u.s. that is not working. i think it accelerates the decline of the system. [applause] >> i worry i am going to give an unsatisfying answer. i think everybody deserves to live here and have their family live decently. we have an economic system that makes that in possible. i think socialism is the name for what will replace this terrible system. i know people call what we have capitalism and which we were more capitalist. i'm not going to your eyes about how the endgame will play out. i am just going to say i'm going to stay close to struggles where somebody's going to get $15 an hour and leave the deeper analysis to comrades like glenn ford. most of the states that are failing are being made to fail by the efforts of the u.s. the most want to fail states that are working for the people. they would like venezuela to fail. they have been trying to make cuba fail for more than 50 years. they are willing to cause chaos in whole regions in order to make regimes fail. onnect people from one another. the greatest source of chaos and destruction and i am talking about of the social variety is u.s. imperialism. largely, theg that largest impetus is because their hold on the world economy is slipping. they are not the centers of production, the production of real things in the world. to have the banks in london and in new york and europe and elsewhere somehow control the production that goes on in china, india, and brazil from afar with the help of the u.s. military does not work if you are the place that produces things. there is going to be political power that also accrues. that weighs against the dominance of the u.s.. they become desperate and they try to overthrow everybody. immortal technique: this is an interesting question. represents --rd lenchner represents bernie sanders. thet of people will say democratic party is the corporate left as they have been called whereas the green party and other grassroots are more grassroots. what is the strategy for dealing with the party in this instance? lenchner: i don't believe the democratic party is a thing. it is a group of interest groups that cooperate during election time. some of those groups they represent, corporations, are fighting for things like tpp. they fight for imperialism. they do things that we would disagree with. other parts of the party are fighting to have more rights for unions and increase wages for low income workers. rights for working families. those other parts of the democratic party in my opinion should not be conflated with the other parts. i think it is carl davison who talks about a six party system, not a two party system. there are four elements of the democratic party. i think i am part of one of those elements and a bernie sanders is the champion of that section. i'm going to do what i can to support him because i want that faction to be victorious over the corporations. ford: he may think there are six parties but he tells us to vote for one of them. managingwith our editor, bruce dixon, who described the bernie sanders role as that of a sheepdog who sheet back into the democratic party. back in the day in georgia, we a,alled this phenomenon we called it fattening frogs for snakes. fed tomp frogs would be the corporate snake, hillary clinton. party ishe democratic a snake pit. i think it is a trap especially for black people. the previous two panels, i want to add something to that wonderful discussion. left, and about the it's a real constituent parts, black folks are at the core of that. theave to understand that black polity in the u.s. and the white polity are different qualities. ideologically they are different. i did a study of 10 years ago blackund self-selected conservatives, black people who said they were conservatives, turned out to be on most issues to the left of self-selected white liberals. liberals,ted black black folks who call themselves liberals, were actually white adicals. the black polity is the most progressive left leaning in the u.s. there was a study done by a think tank out of san francisco. i think it was called where the left lives. the social scientist who was running the study assumed, even though he was not going to let his assumptions affect the study, he assumed the cities that had the strongest left would be to him the usual ones. .ambridge, massachusetts madison wisconsin. san francisco. fromhen the data came in his study, he found the most left-wing cities were detroit and d.c. and new orleans. because that is where the left lives. democratic party, sitsig business duopoly, like a grotesque sumo wrestler on top of the black community squeezing the radicalism out of it, that is a serious situation. situation in which virtually all of the civic organizations, the urban league and an aa cp, our annexes of the democratic party. not to mention al sharpton's national action network. democratic party pervades the and yet it isy, far to the right of the black community. democratic operatives represent a right-wing of the black community. the democratic party is actually a clear and present danger in black america to the expression of a left wing worldview. [applause] immortal technique: i know that you to bank may disagree with certain characteristics of the democratic party. occurain of events that to take power out of the community. one thing you probably both agree on is the appropriation of movements by the democratic party, there are corporate elements. the actual cost of what that is on the people. stop, the question is how you stop these appropriations of certain issues like for example the way hillary has tried to appropriate immigration by meeng with dreamers and saying i am the representative of immigrants? the way the democratic party has tried to monopolize the gay rights movement as if they are the only people who support it? similar to the way rand paul has been all of the sudden according to cnn the champion of civil rights. youras if you look at candidate, if only more -- carefully more than rand paul. mr. lenchner: the first answer brings me back to the glory days of occupy wall street, when you to experienceg by the assemblies and feel the power of the movement. show up.d maybe nobody would take their e-mail address or name. opportunities to bring people in and build power -- they were few and far between. when we think about how to evaluate a social movement, it is not addressed to those who remain after those folks have left. we can sit in a small circle and decide, we are the good ones, the best ones, what have we done wrong that those people have left? want those people who left to be giving that answer. we talked about the co-opting of social movements, people voting with their feet to do something different than what we want them them, why didask you do that? how could we be better? what did we do to make participation in the left less something that they want to do and more something they are willing to consume briefly and then walkway from? one answer, and this would be the answer of politicians who get elected, is find the issues that are generally popular and turn them into legislation and make changes in people's lives. that is called winning. mr. ford: we are talking about co-opting, how we can prevent the democratic party from co-opting let's say the civil rights movement and other liberation movements of the 60's? we saw with the 50th anniversary of the march on washington all of these civic organizations i talked about and all of the democrats in congress basically giving the stage to the current to have a joint show and reinterpretation of said thehat basically part ofghts movement that decade was triumphant. it led to the glories of having the first black president in the white house. the second half of the decade was of course not talked about at all. in the second half of the decade, we had through a combination of police repression and an effort successful among certain elements of black , to shut down the mass glass roots movement to who had beeneople allowed through the triumph of businesshts to enter and politics. to maximize their new opportunities. this is where we get what we call at black agenda report the black leadership class. people who don't want to transform society, they just want to be part of the existing structures. they want to be mayor but they don't want to have a new kind of city. they don't want to examine how one can build a city that is worthy of having a majority black or latino population. they just want to be mayor. they just want to be a general in the u.s. military, no matter how many people end up getting killed by the u.s. military. this is where the split occurs. when we see the 1963 commemoration, the commemoration we are seeingrch, a kind of political celebration of that group's elevation. the folk who won office. folks wholusion of ways ares that in many more insecure than folks were in the 60's. youister taylor said, combat this co-optation by telling the truth about history. [applause] speaking ofhnique: history and the mythology of america, one of the most important things people do in this country when they get elected in the general election is to distance themselves from the extremists in their own party. bill clinton called this the moment.ouljah he got into an argument with a woman rapper talking about violence, racism, rape and murder in the ghetto, please not caring. no clinton came after her to say, you are a racist -- bill clinton came after her to say, you are a racist. obama had to distance himself from a man he had gone to church with for 20 years. republicans do this from people community whoased went too far. to does bernie sanders need distance himself from? a morewe want revolutionary kind of person, who did they have to throw under the bus? premise of throwing someone under the busting to be confronted in general? [applause] it is a loaded question. mr.ll just ask for a moment sanders has asked my advice for the primary. advice is to let him know a large part of his base would never have voted who are disillusioned with politics. tom figure hi .ut how to unleash that power i think that kind of a flip would be a refreshing change that would advance issues significantly whether or not he primary.sful in the in terms of who he should throw under the bus after defeating clinton, no one. he will be driving the bus and no one has to be thrown under it. don't have a degree in throwing folk under the bus, but i think this is germane. we should talk about folks who are trying to distance themselves in the last two bay years of the obama presidency from the president and from the way they behaved to the president over the last six years. on his way out the door, you have people who many folks consider to be of the left left in08 when the floated. imploded.the left now describing their behavior as constructive criticism when we know, certainly on the black side, they were part of a mob that wanted to squelch any kind of dissent from the coming of the black messiah, obama. folks are distancing themselves from the administration, jus anticipating he will be gone and that folks will have to look at the last eight years and there catastrophic blows that have been dealt. and someone is going to have to they were in fact in support of the austerity president. whoupport of a president two weeks before being sworn into office said all the entitlements would be on the table. circled supported -- the wagons around him and defended him at any cost well he basically conducted a republican light administration. they are going to have to answer for that. they are hoping to distance themselves but i can tell you we have taken down all of their actions. we took in names. we are not going to let any of them escape their past. [applause] immortal technique: i know that this is a more politically driven panel but i wanted to ask each of you a personal question so we could close with that. in light of all the horrible things we have seen in , and this ferguson question is obviously to you. campaign, oranders you yourself, you don't have to answer for them, we are not attribute everything he has done to you, but what is the official position about the andk lives matter movement involvement in those types of grassroots race oriented politics? how are yout, affected by that? we talked about the white left, you being obviously a white leftist. what was the position where you felt you had to become involved in those types of things? this question became more pointed last week. there is an article in vox.com talking about the silence of bernie sanders, even though on civil rights legislation he has hen on the right side, hasn't spoken out in a way that resonates in the way we come to demand and expect from folks who are going to be our champion. would like to see a movement push him to change and being more inclusive. not in a way that he hits the right notes to put a checkbox by certain issues. i mean as a candidate, i see him as needing to follow the people that need to change most of all. i see the role of people like me including platforms where instead of us having to rely on what bernie the candidate says, we can fill our own platform with what our hopes and aspirations are and push a bernie sanders campaign forward to foment that. that is what democracy is. that is a break from the paradigm of being dependent on what your candidate does and says. i am done with that. mr. ford: the role of the avement is not to focus on democratic politician and then pushed him or her. it is to change the relationship of forces on the ground using the power of the people. expect thosecan forces of the democratic party and the republican party, which represents the capitalists and power, will move against them. all the energies that are expended in trying to appeal to the sensibilities and sensitivities of people who work parties areos wasted. the president has invited families of victims in many of the young organizers of the new movement to the white house in -opt them. to co he has spoken to them as if he is a sensitive person. , it has not worked. what we need to be focusing on is what the administration actually does. while the president makes all of noises and says trayvon could have been my son, the justice department has taken tory opportunity it had argue before the supreme court. every occasion it has argued in and policelice departments that have used excessive force. that is the fact that matters, not whether obama is a sensitive guy. obama might possibly be someone who you could talk to over a beer. that is not going to change the way the united states will treat people who defy the authority of the police. the authority of the state itself. immortal technique: ladies and gentlemen, please give a round .f applause for our guests thank you gentlemen. it has been an honor. [applause] immortal technique: we were going to have some last words. i cannot fill his shoes. i just want to say to everybody who came out, thank you very much. i prepared a brief statement, but i see people are leaving so i don't want to prevent you from going to whatever hummus bar you are headed to. to stop you from getting in your rickshaw and going home. i don't want to disturb your lovely evening. please. say, it is very important for me to talk about how i learned about the paradigm of these politics and i will get out of here quickly. and when i was taught the left was this idealistic fantasy world where we dream about the impossible. we fantasize about utopia, an end to racism, free food and health care for everyone. end to war. i was taught the right wing was the voice of reason. and then i looked at the world. i realized the people who commit andcide and murder, rape, kill are not the people who disobey orders. they are mostly the people who obey the orders the way they were written and to do. i learned the right left the rightn america, left paradigm in america was a joke that stopped being funny decades ago. i learned that if a quote unquote mainstream media can be incribed as a liberal media, other words if you are a liberal media and it is your job to reinforce the illegal actions of the government that has practically abandoned democracy and is camped out in front of despotism's door like a child for sneakers or an adult for i think it is important to take a hard look at the mythology of america. as long as we believe in the mythology of america without confronting the historical truths -- we talk about socialism and communism like they are the worst thing in the world. yet study history. taxes up to 90% after world war ii. we had to get the economy back on track, so there was free college. cuny used to be free. he give it up for that. [applause] on fox, oncenique: in a while, i love to watch them rant. going crazy about socialism, communism. really? the government paying for things? like a post office? a police department, fire department? paying a premium for having them come and put out a fire? mythologies i was taught. this sort of relationship was destroyed by the history i read and the living history i experienced through average ordinary people that gave their lives for the movement. the revolutionary movement that bird every revolutionary who has existed on the planet. it didn't come from a planning book or a brochure. it came from someone's actual life. revolutionaries were people that saw something they could not stand for. people,ugh it is those i'm going to stand with them. even though i'm not a palestinian, i will stand with the palestinian's. even the line not gay, i will stand for someone else's equal right to marriage. even though we have seen the country become something else than what it was explained to us as children, that is the definition of confronting the mythology. saying, columbus did not discover america. that is absurd. we need to take him on the maury show. america, you are not the father. want to say one last thing. the only reason i am nervous this time is because my family is here. they have never come to anything of mine. i want to tell you guys i love you and i and everything i am and will be because someone took the time to love me and care about me. [applause] immortal technique: i want to say also we are on the right side, ladies and gentlemen. illegal war, anti-drone, antiracism, anti-sex discrimination. give ourselves a round of applause for being on the right side of every issue in this country. [applause] shertal technique: and now, is going to sing for us the national anthem. please. ms. franklin: he is a little too silly for me. i know we are short on time but there are two things i wanted to share. we talked about black lives matter and a black folks go into the street. know important for us to for the past 40 years, we have been in a counterrevolution. within the counterrevolution, often times black folks are seen as the center of oppression. let's make it clear, black folks have been at the center of having revolutionary thoughts and theories and have been at the core of making and breaking a what we see is the counterrevolution. they have been the trailblazers. not only do we have black liberation, we also have a revolution. i want to make that clear when we think about black lives matter. at the always been occasion to fight back. thinkcond piece which i is important, and i do on an everyday basis. when we think about building a national left organization, what is central to me is organized. reallyversation didn't get that deep into who is going and knocking on doors. who is talking to our young folks, exposing them to different ideologies in the truth. exposing them to the years of miseducation they have been exposed to. if there is one thing i want you to leave with, it is not simply we have had these debates but that that means nothing if we do not take it to the street and involve our people. if we do not have this room filled in the next year. it to theing, take street. organized. build. if we do not build, we do not grow. if we don't they are planning to fight back. only be ableo not to respond, but think ahead. and we cannot just, when something happens we were's aunt. we have to be the ones to prevent it. have a great night. -- was something happens, we have to respond. immortal technique: a big round of applause for our host and moderator. ashley franklin and immortal technique. if we could give a big round of applause to the working class people who have to clean this place up after we leave. and the people who set up all of the microphones and lights and staff sitting up there and the dude with the camera was not moved in an hour. i see you buddy. rob: big love to our panelists. and madams. pamela brown. give it up. you could do better than that. glen ford. charles lenchner. the reverend. and stanley, we wish you well and good luck. all the best. thank you. get home safe. years since the shooting of michael brown in ferguson, missouri. on the next "washington journal" we are lies in virginia -- live in virginia. we'll talk about new approaches to policing and the majority black city that helped change the reputation from one of the most dangerous and the u.s. guest alongnother with the richmond mayor. washington journal is live every morning at 7:00 eastern on c-span. a preview of the show. >> what we try to retrain our recruits as not just a law enforcement piece to protect themselves and society but also to engage in a positive way. because we know without the community's help, many of the crimes we have cannot be solved. wehout a community's help cannot not decrease crime. by bringing the recruits, they learn how to engage people without taking law enforcement action. they learn how to build positive relationships. part of it participating in our community day event and going into the community on particular days. communitiesng about were picked, this community, gilbert court and another one. both were picked our chief of police and based on past of violence. they are primarily public housing and tend to have the most violence. on june 6, we did a community day where the recruits came out and cooked for the residents, hamburgers and hot docs and served them free -- hot dogs and serve them free. we had free haircuts and moon bounce for the children. hadjust last saturday, we the gilbert court day a blog over at the calhoun center. the same kind of environment and the recruit router all day serving the public -- and the recruiters were out all day serving the public. >> will be live in richmond, virginia and we will speak with police chief and captain harvey powers who lead the training academy and later the richmond mayor. washington journal, live at 7:00 on c-span. >> follow the series tour as we travel outside of the washington beltway to communities across america. idea is to take the programming for our american history tv and book tv on the road beyond the beltway to produce pieces that are more visual and provide a window into the cities that viewers normally what not go to a but also have rich histories and a rich literary scene as well. aboutot of people heard big six like new york and chicago, but what about the small ones like albany new york? what is the history of them? >> we have been to over 75 cities. we will hit and 95 by april of 2016. >> most of our coverage in c-span is event a but these are not. they are shorter. they take you to a home. >> we partner with our cable affiliates to explore the literary culture of various cities. they key entry to the city is the cable provider who contacts the city. >> we are really looking for great characters. you really want your viewers to identify with the people we are talking about. >> experience at the type of program we are taking people on the road to places where they can touch things and see things. not just local history because a lot of the local history plays into the national story. >> it should be enticing enough that they can get to the idea of the story but also feel as though it is in our backyard. >> we want viewers to get a sense of that, oh yeah, i know that plays from watching one of our pieces. believes andission what we do on the road. >> you have to be able to communicate the message about this network to do the job. to doe thing we wanted it is build relationships with the city and our cable partners and gather great programming for american history tv and book tv. >> watch of the c-span networks. to see where were going, see our schedule at www.c-span.org. >> presidential candidate in wisconsin governor scott walker unveiled his health care plan earlier. he said its first priority as president would be to repeal replace the affordable care act. he spoke a machine products company in minnesota. steve: welcome. we are a proud minnesota manufacturing facility. we are in our 70th year of business. we make a lot of the parts you see behind me. the industries we serve are the lawn care industries, agriculture. we are honored today to have scott walker and his campaign today to unveil his alternative to obamacare. it is a little overwhelming as well. i would like at this time to introduce our speaker of the house kurt daudt. he was first elected to the house in 2010 and elected speaker of the house in 2014. he's a private pilot and he is single, girls. [laughter] [applause] mr. daudt: quite an introduction. thanks, steve, for hosting us here. it is absolutely a wonderful facility that you run. we are proud to have you as an employer. i'm very excited to have governor scott walker in minnesota. governor walker is a bold conservative reformer and he has brought unbelievable policies that have turned around the state of wisconsin. when he took over in the state of wisconsin, it was a mess. they had a $4 billion deficit and lost jobs and had an unemployment rate above 8%. governor walker lowered taxes to spur job growth, put reforms in place that eliminated wage fraud. and really turned the state of wisconsin around. we are really proud of the work he has done. i'm very proud that he has come to minnesota to announce his obamacare reforms. there is really no better place than minnesota to announce these reforms. we have seen the worst of the worst of obama care in minnesota. 140,000 minnesotans have lost their health coverage because of obamacare. people have lost the choice they had. in some cases, they have only one option for health coverage. frankly, all the while during the worst of the worst, democrats gave the obamacare executives in minnesota bonuses to reward them. we need new, bold reform like scott walker has brought to wisconsin here in minnesota and all over the country. if you followed the news yesterday, you know scott walker is ready for the task and is on intimidated. scott walker is the bold reform leader we need not only in minnesota, but the entire country. please join me in welcoming the next president of the united states, governor scott walker. [applause] gov. walker: thanks. thank you. thank you, mr. speaker. chris has done a spectacular job here in minnesota. i was pleased to be with you earlier in the capital. i appreciate your leadership for our team. we are going to compete for the caucus and we are pleased to have your leadership, grassroots will make a huge difference and i want to thank all the employees here. thank you for hosting. i was kidding on the tour, i know where not to stick my finger and where not to turn off the light curtains. you are literally fueling the economy here in minnesota and across the country. thank you for having us here and thanks to everybody else, all the friends and supporters for being here. and hearing a bit about what we are here for today. we will talk about obamacare. i want to point out that america is a can-do kind of country. we have people in washington that can't get the job done. washington is 68 square miles surrounded by reality. when i think about washington, i have to tell you, when i talk to people across this country, people are fed up with washington. i feel your pain. i am fed up, too. we were told by republican leaders during the campaigns last year that we just needed a republican senate to be elected to repeal obamacare. here we sit. both chambers of the united states congress have been controlled since january by republicans. there is not a bill on the president's desk to repeal obamacare. i want to be clear, americans want more than just campaign promises. they want results. actions speak louder than words. that is something i know. i understand it, i am not intimidated. even yesterday at the iowa state fair on the soapbox, i was not intimidated by the people there. long before we took on union bosses in my state and before we took on liberal special interest from washington, we took on some of the establishment in my own party. back in 2010, when i was thinking of running for governor, i did so because i was upset with the direction my state was heading. i thought it was heading the wrong direction. a week after the election, we had all the republican lawmakers together and i said to them the voters, that voters had told us they wanted us to be big and bold. there were some republican lawmakers who were uneasy with the idea of taking on the status quo. the session was open to the public. i said to all of those lawmakers including some that were uneasy, i said it is put up or shut up time. that was the headline. it was important because we wanted to send a clear message. i heard what voters said. if we didn't do what we said we were going to do, they had every right to throw us out. i was proud not long after taking office, the very day i took office, i took the oath and authorized our state to join the federal lawsuit against obamacare. then we set out on a path of bold reforms. we took on union bosses. then we fixed the $3.6 billion budget deficit. we cut taxes by $2 billion. we defunded planned parenthood. we put a photo id requirement to vote in the state of wisconsin. we now ensure that every adult in our state who is able to work must be able to pass a drug test before they get a welfare check. we did all those things. we went big and bold and we got results. [applause] gov. walker: we took action. in addition to that first day, authorizing the state to join the lawsuit against obamacare. not long after that, i turned down a state exchange under obamacare. as you mentioned, mr. speaker, having looked at minnesota and maryland, i am glad looking at the other problems states are having that i made that decision several years ago. unlike my friends rick perry and bobby jindal, i turned down a medicaid expansion under obamacare. that was tough in a blue state like wisconsin. there were some republicans that wanted us to grab the money but we turned it down because we knew how difficult it would be to repeal. families in charge of their healthcare coverage. other states were expanding to it and adding underneath it. we showed we could get results. i am proud to say the state of wisconsin for the first time in our history, everyone living in poverty is covered under medicaid. we took everyone above poverty and transitioned it to the marketplace. it still protects taxpayers. even the nonpartisan kaiser family foundation looked at what we did and said wisconsin was the only state out of all of the states that did not take the medicaid expansion, the only state that did not have a coverage gap. in other words, we got results while still staying true to our common sense conservative principles. if innovative reforms like that can work in a blue state like wisconsin, there is no doubt they can work for america. there is no doubt going forward they can work for america. i am willing to stand up against anyone, including members of my own party, to get the job done. we are not intimidated. [applause] gov. walker: the reason i say this is because talk is cheap in the world of politics. in our case, we fought, we won, we got results, we did all of that in a state that hasn't gone republican for president since 1984. we were not intimidated, we did what was right for the people of our state. the people paying the tax bills going forward. now we have a plan for america that i want to share with you. it is simple. it starts with a premise that on my first day as president, i will send legislation to the congress to once and for all repeal obamacare entirely. [applause] gov. walker: along with that we will replace it in a way that puts patients and families, your families, back in charge of your health care decisions. we call it the day one patient freedom plan. as i mentioned, the first part is repealing obamacare entirely. some ask how you will do that. you have a congress out there, it is simple. we make sure this happens. we have to repeal obamacare entirely, lock, stock, and barrel. we have to repeal every part of it, including the parts nancy pelosi did not bother to read. i talked to reformers like paul ryan and tom price and others out there. they are ready to work with us to pass reforms as soon as possible. we need to have an incentive out there to do that, the great way to motivate the congress to pass the reforms we are talking about is to make sure they have to live under the same obamacare rules the rest of america has been put under. [applause] gov. walker: on my first day, i will issue an executive order that will pull back on the special deal that president obama provided for congress. they pulled out of this like they often exempt themselves from other things when it comes to other laws. we will do an executive order that removes the deal that president obama put in place and make them live under the same conditions. once they are susceptible to the obamacare premium increases that many americans have been under, i have an idea that will light a fire under congress to get things moving. a lot of candidates talk about repealing obamacare and we have a plan to make sure congress acts on reforms right away because they will have to live under the same rules that everyone else does. [applause] gov. walker: the next part is once we get established that we will repeal obamacare, the next screen i will show you is about ensuring affordability and accessibility for everyone when it comes to health insurance. we want affordable and accessible health care insurance for everyone. we will have lower premiums. once you repeal obamacare and get rid of those regulations, that is part of the plan, once you encourage more competition when it comes to insurers and health care providers, you will see premiums go down for everyone. including for people who get it from places like this. we will see a reduction of premiums, which is good for everyone. second, for those out there who may not get it from their employer, we will have an option there as well. we provide a tax that it that is not tied into age so it applies across the board so as people -- we have a great tax credit up there that will help people no matter whether it is someone who is working part-time and going to school or maybe somebody else who decided they wanted to start a new business. they are looking for a way to buy health insurance. this gives them an affordable way to get affordable health care. we apply for everyone out there. you all know this -- we provide, in addition, $1000 in a refundable tax credit to put into hsas. on the health saving accounts. we lift the limits. we are raising the limits in terms of contribution limits for both individuals and families. we will allow you to pass it on to your children and other family members. we want you to be able to control more of your own money. you will do more to manage your health care and your health. if you actually have control over those dollars. it is putting freedom back in the hands of patients and families to make decisions about your health care and money. you are also seeing besides the credits and incentives, we will allow people to buy health insurance anywhere, in any state. in the past, you have been restricted over state lines. wherever you think is the best spot, you can buy it outside of your employer, we will allow you to buy it anywhere in any state. we will make sure, this is important, while we are repealing obamacare, we want to make sure one concern that i have heard, we will make sure people with pre-existing conditions, you will not get bumped off your coverage. you will not have to face huge increases just because of pre-existing conditions or because you get sick. that is the first phase. ensure affordable and accessible health care insurance options for everyone. the next thing is make health care more efficient and effective and accountable by empowering the states. one part of that is the ability to oversee health care insurance back to the state. [applause] gov. walker: that's one of those where the speaker and i know this but i know across the country, it is more effective and efficient and more accountable when you send power out of washington to the state level. that is what we do with this plan. in terms of overseeing health care in our states, have it done at the state level. on top of that, we want to reform medicaid. that means fixing it and sending it back to the states. i have seen for years we have tried different ways of doing that. one of the things i am proud of is even under obamacare, we were able to find a way to make sure every person living in poverty for the first time in my state's history was covered. we did it without taking the so-called free federal money. there is no such thing as free federal money. we're the ones that pay for it out there. we need to put those abilities at the state level. it is much more effective. if you want to make sure that truly needy people get the care they need, you need to send the power back to the state where it can be more innovative and more likely to get the job done. they are caring for the people right here in minnesota, wisconsin, iowa. part of this is just taking power from washington and sending it back to the states. the next thing is improving and increasing the quality and choice through innovation. we allow people, consumers, to go out and pool together and purchase health care. it could be a group of farmers or small business owners. we want another option from the choices we have right now. we allow people to pool resources and go out there and purchase health insurance together. it is about giving people more freedom. we also put in place incentives for wellness. there are a lot of great employers working with employees on wellness programs that increase health. that is beyond just talking about health care cost. it is improving health. you deal with chronic diseases and things of that nature, that helps lower health care cost as opposed to alternatives. under obamacare, it leads to rationing. we want people to lead happier and healthier lives. this allows employers to participate in wellness programs. we also put in place reforms for long-term care services. reform the process for long-term care. that is important for those of us in the middle class. there's a lot of concern about financial stability. when you think about long-term care needs for your family. we put in place changes so you have more stability and confidence, not just for yourself, but for those in your family. we allow for more options out there. so that you can provide long-term care in people's homes, not just having to go to certain places. more abilities to provide long-term care. that is something we have heard time and time again. finally, we want to make sure we provide an incentive for states to pursue lawsuit reform as it applies to medical procedure. i want health care professionals to go forward with procedures and tests and decisions that are based on medically necessary decisions, not based on trying to avoid the adverse effect of frivolous lawsuits. we are going to let the doctors and nurses and health care professionals make decisions based on the medical needs, not just in trying to avoid frivolous lawsuits by practicing defensive medicine. these are things that will help lower costs and increase choices and push innovation. a lot of people say this all comes together but how will you pay for it and how does it apply to obamacare? for us, it is important to have financial stability for ourselves and families, but also for taxpayers. our plan is for long-term care, giving people more options whether you get it through employers. those without employer-based health care to increase tax credits and allowing families to get it at a reasonable rate. whether it is looking at putting more money into account. all of those things about putting more money and your pocket and giving you more control over your money. this is good for families and patients and your financial stability. for all of us, it is good for taxpayers. we are not sustainable under obamacare. i am proud to say that by repealing obamacare entirely, we are getting rid of the spending and taxes. which means this ends up being a tax cut to about a trillion dollars. we get rid of the taxes and spending. the trillion dollars invested in obamacare. we give that back to the american people. we provide more relief on top of that with the hsa. we put more money back in the american people's hands. i think it is probably one of the biggest tax relief plans we have had with economic development and tax relief plans in the past 40 some years. that'll have a important impact on the nation's economy. it is important as we think about obamacare, you think about candidates talking about obamacare and what they will do to repeal it. we are one of the few candidates that has laid a plan out, not just for how to repeal it but what to do in its place, but we lay out when you talk about this, you want to make sure to understand the nation is undergoing a critical financial crisis when it comes to our debt and deficit problems. none of these plans will add to that. in this case, our plan is cost neutral. we pay for this and the credits of the other components. by reforming the process by which the tax treats some of the goldplated health care plans and by reforming and fixing medicaid by sending it back to the states where it is more efficient and more accountable to the american people and to people served by these programs at the state and local level. that is really important because we want to repeal obamacare and want patients and families back in charge of health care decisions. we want to do it in a way that doesn't break the bank. this is cost neutral. going forward, we found an effective way to do that that doesn't add to the deficit problems, provides massive tax relief and puts all of you and the rest of the people across america in charge of their health care decisions. this is the layout. we think it is a great plan. it is a great way to repeal obamacare and not just talk about it. for a lot of folks, it is a good punchline in your speeches. we actually now have a plan to give the american people that shows exactly how we will repeal obamacare. not just saying it, but by putting in place executive action that will force congress to live under the same rules everybody else has to live under. we think that is the light, the fire under congress to make them act immediately. there are great reformers that want to. there are others that might not want to. we are prepared to take anyone on to get the job done. that is what the american people want. they want you to deliver on those promises. [applause] gov. walker: one of the things that makes us unique -- we don't just talk about things. we fight, we win, we get results and we do it without compromising our conservative principles. i think now more than ever, that is what people want. think about the contrast. we know we have a plan on the table to get obamacare repealed. a plan to get patients and families back in charge. to give you the freedom to make those decisions. we also have a great contrast with hillary clinton. think about this -- as bad as things have been under obamacare, they would only get worse under hillary clinton. think about all the problems we

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