While tracking crime rates is elementary, policing performance measures should also include barometers such as public trust.
In the 1990s, amid concerns that the United States was facing a competitiveness deficit with other developed nations, education reform swept the country. Changes made in Texas under then-Gov. George W. Bush became a centerpiece of his 2000 presidential campaign and the No Child Left Behind Act. Similarly, following the murder of George Floyd, policing reform emerged as a top issue in the 2020 election and now major reform legislation bearing Floyd’s name awaits action in Washington.
States from Colorado to Minnesota passed significant policing reform bills in 2020, but it remains on the 2021 to-do list for most city councils, state legislatures and Congress. Like education, law enforcement is primarily funded and governed at the state and local levels, but the similarities do not end there. While education reform remains a work in progress, the same c
Good morning Memphis, where students are returning to schools for TNReady assessments and the University of Memphis is celebrating two more Tigers joining NFL rosters.
The doctors said COVID-19 vaccines have no impact on fertility, are safe for people who have had reactions to previous vaccines or have drug allergies, and do not cause any genetic modifications in people.
Fauci, chief medical advisor to the White House and director of the National Institutes of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, and Webb, the senior policy advisor to the White House for COVID-19 equity, also discussed when vaccines will become available for children and encouraged Tennesseans to get their shots.
The following contains editorial content written by a retired Chief of Police and current staff writer for Law Enforcement Today.
A 1989 Supreme Court case,
Graham v. Connor (490 U.S. 386) established the precedent used by police agencies across the country today, imposing a “reasonableness” standard in police deadly force cases. Now, 32 years later there are some who say that standard needs to be revisited due to the fallacy being put forth that police use of deadly force cases unfairly target people of color.
In the 1989 case, Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, writing in the majority opinion, spoke to a “reasonableness” standard; in other words, police need to meet a standard of what a reasonable officer might do.
Print In case after case, it took only a split second for an officer to pull the trigger. Adam Toledo, a 13-year-old in Chicago, had tossed away a handgun and begun raising his hands. Ma’Khia Bryant, a 16-year-old in Columbus, Ohio, lunged with a knife at another teenager. Tyrell Wilson, a 33-year-old mentally ill homeless man in Danville, California, had a knife in hand when he shouted “Kill me” at an approaching deputy sheriff. All three were among more than 100 people shot and killed by police over the previous six weeks. The officers’ justification for the use of lethal force in each instance differs with the circumstances. But as in almost every other recent case involving questions of police use of force, law enforcement officials defending the officers are relying on a doctrine set forth by the Supreme Court three decades ago and now deeply ingrained in police culture: that judges and juries should not second-guess officers’ split-second decisions, no matter
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