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In her lead essay for this month’s
limit the participation of the antidemocratic, she is skeptical that it is wise to do so. While I agree with Ghorayeb on this latter point we should always exercise extraordinary caution when granting government new powers I do not think she succeeds in arguing for the former. That is, I am not convinced democracies can restrict the participation of the antidemocratic without violating their most basic principles.
As a starting point, we might ask: what are the basic moral principles that ground democratic political institutions? Ghorayeb, following a long line of influential thought, says that the ideal of equal influence is at democracy’s foundation: “democracy is a system wherein citizens have an equal opportunity to influence political outcomes.” The basic idea here is that all citizens in a polity should have a roughly equal capacity to influence political decisions. The rich, for instance, should not have more influence on who is e
Two years ago, at the end of a democratic theory seminar, I read Alexander Kirshner’s book
A Theory of Militant Democracy (2014) and decided to continue his discussion about the paradox of democracy. The paradox asks: can a democratic society, in a non-contradictory way, restrict political participation if said participation is a threat to democracy?[2] For the purposes of my essay, “antidemocrat” is taken to mean a political actor that wishes to exclude a socially salient group of participants from the demos.
Kirshner’s book is illuminating, though not the first to bring the concern to the table. Karl Loewenstein, writing in the time of Nazi Germany, coined the term “militant democracy” to argue that it is permissible to violate “fundamental principles” of democracy such as the right to participate as an electoral candidate.[3] Loewenstein argued that antidemocrats – like the Nazi party – can exploit the tolerance of democracies and thus, must be met with int
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