The United States has not had to confront two peer competitors since the end of the Second World War and has not faced a united China and Russia since the last days of the 1950s.
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The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives (1997) and
Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power (2012), promoted the concept of a Weimar Triangle – France, Germany and Poland – becoming the major power in a united post-Cold War Europe.
Germany, with the largest economy and biggest population, was to be the major partner; with a residual influence in Africa and the Mediterranean, France would be the second (in
Grand Chessboard he basically compares France to an aged courtesan who must be flattered to keep her complacent); and Poland would be the emergent third power that would keep the Russian barbarian at the gate.
China Daily, May 10, 2021.
Cheng Enfu is a principal professor at the University of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, director of the Research Center for Economic and Social Development at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and president of the World Association for Political Economy. He can be reached at 65344718[at]vip.163.com. Lu Baolin is a professor at the School of Economics, Qufu Normal University.
Neoimperialism is the specific contemporary phase of historical development that features the economic globalization and financialization of monopoly capitalism. The characteristics of neoimperialism can be summed up on the basis of the following five key features. First is the new monopoly of production and circulation. The internationalization of production and circulation, together with the intensified concentration of capital, gives rise to giant multinational monopoly corporations whose wealth is nearly as great as that of whole countries. Second is the new monopol
BY MAX PARRY
Digital billboard in Yerevan (Armenia) displaying images of the war.
In the final week of September, an Azerbaijani offensive renewed hostilities in the perennial armed conflict and territorial dispute in the South Caucasus between Armenia and its neighbor over the Nagorno-Karabakh (“Mountainous Karabakh”) region. By October, the clashes had escalated past the state border between Azerbaijan and the internationally-unrecognized Republic of Artsakh which suffered heavy shelling from banned Israeli-made cluster bombs by the Azeris. Meanwhile, Armenia retaliated with strikes in Azerbaijan outside of the contested enclave, with civilian casualties reported on both sides in the deadliest resumption of large scale fighting since the Russian-brokered ceasefire in 1994. Following Baku’s victory recapturing the town of Shusha which had been under Artsakh control since 1992, a new armistice was signed by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pas
by Max Parry / December 22nd, 2020
In the final week of September, an Azerbaijani offensive renewed hostilities in the perennial armed conflict and territorial dispute in the South Caucasus between Armenia and its neighbor over the Nagorno-Karabakh (“Mountainous Karabakh”) region. By October, the clashes had escalated past the state border between Azerbaijan and the internationally-unrecognized Republic of Artsakh which suffered heavy shelling from banned Israeli-made cluster bombs by the Azeris. Meanwhile, Armenia retaliated with strikes in Azerbaijan outside of the contested enclave, with civilian casualties reported on both sides in the deadliest resumption of large scale fighting since the Russian-brokered ceasefire in 1994. Following Baku’s victory recapturing the town of Shusha which had been under Artsakh control since 1992, a new armistice was signed by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Russian President Vladimir Putin las