this is gps , the global public square. welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i m fareed zakaria. today on the program, from the czars in czarrinas to soviet air come issars, to president putin. we delve into the nature of power in russia. looking at the past to help us understand the present. i ll talk to the new yorker s david remnick and professor nina khrushcheva. and also the prime minister of barbados on getting the west to pay for damage from climate change rising seas and wild weather. two degrees is a death sentence. and the president of kenya on why many nations in the global south are not taking a side on the war in ukraine. but first, here is my take. in his important book the third wave, samuel huntington pointed out the division among the ruling elite is a key sign of weakness in authoritarian regimes. when members of the establishment break with the system, it triggers a larger set of changes. conversely, when you do not se
world. i m fareed zakaria. today on the program from the czars and arenas to soviet-era com czars to president putin. we delve into the nature of power in russia looking at the past to help us understand the present. i ll talk to the new yorkers david remnick can professor nina krus efa. also the prime minister of barbados on getting the west to pay for damage for the climate change s rising seas and weather. two degrees is a death sentence. and the president of kenya on why many nations in the global south are not taking a side on the war in ukraine. but first, here s my take. in his important book the third wave samuel huntington pointed out the division among the ruling elite is a key sign of weakness in authoritarian regimes. when prominent members of the establishment break with the system it often triggers a larger set of changes. conversely, when you do not see such defections it means the autocrat will probably be able to survive. syrian dictator bashar al ass
people talk about in russia to describe power in that in that structure is clans. not parties and civic organizations and constituency, but clans. clans within the fsb. clans within the interior ministry and within the defense ministry and all the rest and there are factions and there are there s no raving liberals, and that s for sure, but the difference between the temp temperament in the fsb, but i don t think we should sit around waiting for gorbachev, much less sakerov to e merging post-putin. it is a colossal mess. nina, what do you think putin s fate is in a situation where he does not achieve his
of get a rise out of ordinary people, his critique was aimed at shoigu and gierasimov and th leaders of the military effort in moscow. it was directed at moscow. we are here fighting the war in ukraine and you in your palaces in russia don t care about people getting killed and it was a competency argument. that changed. in the latest rant and the most recent rant it had to do with the rationale of going in in the first place. now he didn t direct it absolutely at putin. he didn t say putin did this for some pernicious reason. he said that he was manipulated by the defense establishment, but that but he did say there was no need to invade, and if you had said that as a, you know, left-leaning school teacher or ngo activist you would find yourself in jail, but it was quite something else hearing that from somebody who
now substantially weaker? putin has been quite weak for quite some time and one of the reasons, of course, is the war in ukraine is now almost a year and a half in, russia is not winning despite the expectations and how not weak that power is. the choice that we talk about the cool, potential cool mutiny that didn t work out was that the choice was between hard core nationalists like yevgeny prigozhin who in his calls to to the military, his interviews were talking about cleansing russia with blood, studying a new revolution and defending russia from all enemies putin does the same thing it was more of an insidious nationalism and