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president barack obama s achievements in his first year in office. washington journal is next. . we begin with a piece from the washington who writes after healthcare we need senate reform. you see the line for republicans, democrats and independents. host: 55 votes is not enough to win or anything close to it. it is enough to get five from 60. you need to shut down a filibuster. only then can a lobby pass. the modern senate is a radically different institution frómç the 1960 s and the dysfunction over healthcare, absence of bipartisanship, useç of the filibuster to obstruct progress, the ability of any senator to hold theç bill hostage has convinced many inside and outside theç chamber that it needs to be fixed. from the weekly turnaround there is a piece byç two authors sayg a fine mess and they write the end game has unfolded and all eyes are on the unseamly process taking place in the halls of congress. rushed votes to minimize scrutiny and secret deals and
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and looking benignly at me as i argued. i even thought there was a nod somewhere. when the opinion came out, it was 7-2, and he was one of the dissenters. i wrote a law review article about the issue of was addressing in the lawsuit, and essentially said don t take people for granted on this issue. justice stevens wrote a dissent that is a roadmap of how legislation and administrative actions ought to be taken to steer clear of some of the problems he saw in the federal statute i was defending. . . the style of each justice as you prepare. certainly the more of an advantage it is the more you know but i think there are many advocates to show up for the first time who ve never been to an argument before who do a wonderful job simply because they ve mastered their case and they have participated questions without knowing precisely what questions they might ask. she was not engaged in bona fide and lawful services, particularly in this case where the government told the jury
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proposed models going forward, i tried to imagine scenarios under which the other models could have succeeded that were less likely to succeed in the prefab rigid than the prefab models. the restoration model for occupying powers becomes more likely than an outbreak of violence. . . it seems that violence was actually instigated by agents themselves in the hopes that this would happen. if you have soviets shooting at germans germany has 900,000 troops on its soil, foreign troops, and more nuclear weapons than anywhere else and not under its control and there s the potential for a lot of violence and chaos. you know what else you re going to do if you have bloodshed if you have that. it doesn t happen that thanks largely but there is a venue by which this happens. the revival federation seems to be viable, becauseñr the whole generation of german leaders believe that it might be the idea behind day taunt. he announced ate as policy, so that seemed to be a viable alter
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and they have years of hard won scholarly expertise vetted by peer review. years of effort to put into understanding a problem. and they bring to this to tavenlt and if the normally squabbling party converges on a view that the government is taking a wrong step, the government should listen. this argues that this expert opinion debate is one of democracy s big advantages over aut oksies. and that there s a strong support for this. however, this basic conventional wisdom fails to distinguish between what we might call normal uncertainty that international relations normally has, endemic, and the profound deep uncertainty that follows, paradigm shattering events like the fall of the wall and 9/11. and i suggest an argument along the lines that for two reasons at least actually scholars may not be able to put their best foot forward in precisely the sort of circumstances that this conference is dealing with. . . no carrierringconnect 1200 if the government happens to be powerful
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