people as the central players shush, don t tell them. well, cats out of the bag. it s happening. i think it happened today. thank you for the book plug, as well. thank you my friend. thanks to you at home for joining us this hour. the year was 1990. republican incumbent north carolina senator jesse helms was pulling behind his black democratic challenger, a man named harvey gantt. it was a surprisingly competitive election. so helms cold in the political consultants, who helped the helms campaign figure out a way to fight back. and this is what they came up with. this ad. you needed that job. you are the best qualified. but they had to give it to a minority tick is of a racial quota. is that really fair? harvey gantt says he supports ted kennedy s racial quota law but makes the color of your skin more important than your qualifications. you ll vote on this issue next tuesday. for racial quotas, i began. it against racial quotas, jesse helms. that added, with
the year was 1990, republican incumbent of north carolina senator jesse helms was polling behind his black democratic challenger, a man named harvey gantt. it was a surprisingly competitive election, so home called in the political consultants who, in turn, helped the helms campaign figure out a way to fight back, and this is what they came up with, this ad. you needed that job, but they had to give it to a minority because of the racial quota. is that really fair? harvey gantt says it is. he supports the racial quota law, making the color of your skin more important in your qualifications. you will vote on this issue next tuesday, harvey gantt . that ad, with the white hands holding the rejection letter as the narrator intones you are a better candidate than the minority guy that they went with, can you steal the injustice of it all? that ad was exactly what senator jesse helms needed, he. term in the senate, 54 to 46%. that strategy worked. it worked well. making ga
because you somehow hint in your essay that that is part of your story, it can be considered, he is so profoundly insulting that it almost doesn t bear taking seriously. i m also strike about how much of this is deeply personal for clarence tano thomas. there s a reason we went through his history and his distaste for affirmative action is it personally intersects with his own story, the sense of grievance he has and how it s the opposite of what supreme court justice hitters posed to do, make the personal the national. and yet it seems that that s exactly what he has done. who hurt you, bull, is really the bottom line here. this is a man who has been very clear he believes affirmative action is stigmatizing. he says nothing about affirmative bachchan s getting him into the ceremony area and that allowed him to enter holy cross from richie graduated and then loud and graduate from miya law school which put him
him into the ceremony area and that allowed him to enter holy cross from richie graduated and then loud and graduate from miya law school which put him in a prime position where he could be noticed by john danforth, could go to missouri to work for danforth, and then could be propelled to the center of conservative politics in washington, d.c.. he completely misses the fact that when george h.w. bush was looking for a replacement for thurgood marshall, the first black person to serve on the supreme, there were not a lot of black conservatives, but clarence thomas was there, and he was identified because he was a black conservative. that s affirmative action. if he doesn t understand how he s there because of this policy, and he is all of these questions about the stigmatizing effects of it, you are still in supreme court. you re still making policy for everyone. you re basically allowing your own personal issues around your life story and your biography to basically shape policy for al
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