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The roots of a decentred international order

The roots of a decentred international order Updated: Updated: April 17, 2021 00:47 IST In the post-pandemic period, developing economies should rise to meet the U.S.-led liberal hegemonic world order Share Article AAA In the post-pandemic period, developing economies should rise to meet the U.S.-led liberal hegemonic world order The International Institute for Strategic Studies puts the overall estimate of China’s military budget at $230 billion (https://bit.ly/3sofrDw). The intentions for global supremacy are apparent, chiefly to outrun the Pentagon. The primary geopolitical rivals, namely Russia and China may possibly provide the strategic and tactical counterbalance to the hegemony of America. Moreover, the international order is under threat of the rising economic power of the BRICS

Görlach Global: China is capitalizing on the COVID crisis

Görlach Global: China is capitalizing on the COVID crisis dw.com 2/5/2021 Alexander Görlach China has weathered the coronavirus pandemic well. Western states are alarmed this could cast autocratic systems in a favorable light, says Alexander Görlach. © Zhang Yuwei/AP/picture alliance Beijing has shifted toward vaccine diplomacy, writes Alexander Görlach When face masks were getting scarce in the free world, China stepped up to the plate. Now, with a dearth of vaccine doses, the autocratic state is once more offering its help. China has progressed from mask to vaccine diplomacy, so to speak. Only the naive will assume China s altruism stems from compassion alone. In reality, however, China s delivery of vaccines, first to Serbia and now Hungary, has caused alarm in Western capitals all the way from Washington to Berlin. China s altruism is a clever move in the ongoing battle of political systems.

From Tech Critique to Ways of Living — The New Atlantis

In the 1950s and 1960s, a series of thinkers, beginning with Jacques Ellul and Marshall McLuhan, began to describe the anatomy of our technological society. Then, starting in the 1970s, a generation emerged who articulated a detailed critique of that society. The critique produced by these figures I refer to in the singular because it shares core features, if not a common vocabulary. What Ivan Illich, Ursula Franklin, Albert Borgmann, and a few others have said about technology is powerful, incisive, and remarkably coherent. I am going to call the argument they share the Standard Critique of Technology, or SCT. The one problem with the SCT is that it has had no success in reversing, or even slowing, the momentum of our society’s move toward what one of their number, Neil Postman, called

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