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Domestic Workers Are Using the Gig Economy Against Itself
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Appreciation or Emasculation of the U S Armed Forces?
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One of the oldest imperatives of American electoral politics is to define your opponents before they can define themselves. So it was not surprising when, in the summer of 1963, Nelson Rockefeller, a centrist Republican governor from New York, launched a preëmptive attack against Barry Goldwater, a right-wing Arizona senator, as both men were preparing to run for the Presidential nomination of the Republican Party. But the nature of Rockefeller’s attack was noteworthy. If the G.O.P. embraced Goldwater, an opponent of civil-rights legislation, Rockefeller suggested that it would be pursuing a “program based on racism and sectionalism.” Such a turn toward the elements that Rockefeller saw as “fantastically short-sighted” would be potentially destructive to a party that had held the White House for eight years, owing to the popularity of Dwight Eisenhower, but had been languishing in the minority in Congress for the better part of three decades. So
Relief, optimism, foreboding: Black Americans feel mixed emotions on Inauguration Day Sydney Trent From the moment in June 2015 when Donald Trump glided down a golden escalator in Trump Tower to announce his presidential candidacy, James Hudson saw what was coming. That’s because as an older African American, he’d been there before. Hudson, 81, had grown up in segregated Tallahassee. He knew the racism of the burning cross and the racism of Obama birtherism, and he said he knew a racist when he saw one. So while early on much of White America and the media were in denial that a brash and shallow reality TV star could ever become president, Hudson and older generations of Black people saw Trump clearly as the threat he was. The next four years were as horrifying as they were wholly predictable; the stakes in the election in November felt nauseatingly high.
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