Transcripts For LINKTV Democracy Now 20170116

Pacifica radio archives exclusive, we air a newly discovered recording of dr. Martin luther king, jr. It was december 1964, days before he received the Nobel Peace Prize in oslo, dr. King gave a major address in london on segregation, the fight for civil rights and his support for Nelson Mandela and the antiapartheid struggle in south africa. The United Kingdomom comes te United States decided tomorrow morning not to buy South African goods, not to buy South African gogold, investors s and capitits would withdraw their support for the racial tyranny that we find, then apartheid would be brought to an end. Amy today, dr. King city tubal address december 7, 1964 in london. All of that and more coming up. This is democracy now , democracynow. Org, the war and peace report. Im amy goodman. Today is the federal holiday honoring dr. Martin luther king. He was born january 15, 1929. He was assassinated april 4, 1968, at the Lorraine Motel in memphis, tennessee. He was just 39 years old. Whilile dr. King is primarily remembered as a civil rights leader, he also championed the cause of the poor, organizing the Poor Peoples Campaign to address issues of Economic Justice. Dr. King was also a fierce critic of u. S. Foreign policyy and the vietnam war. In 1964, dr. King became the youngest recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize. Days before he received that award in oslo, nororway, dr. Kig traveled t to london. On december 7, 1964, dr. King gave a speech sponsored by the British Group christstian action about the civil rights struggle in the united d states, as wells the e antiapartid m movement tn south africa. The speech was recorded by saul bernstein, who was working as the european correspondent for pacifica radio. Bernsteins recording was recently discovered by brian deshazor, director of the pacifica radio archives. This is that address by dr. Martinin luther king, jrjr. I want to talk with you mainly about our struggle in the United States and, before taking my seat, talk about some of the larger struggles in the whole world and some of the more difficult struggles in places like south africa. But there is a desperate, poignant question on the lips of people all over our country and all over the world. I get it almost everywhere i go and almost every press conference. It is a question of whether we are making any Real Progress in the struggle to make Racial Justice a reality in the United States of america. And whenever i seek to answer that question, on the one hand, i seek to avoid an undue pessimism. On the other hand, i seek to avoid a superficial optimism. And i try to incorporate or develop what i consider a realistic position, by admitting on the one hand that we have made many siifificanstriride ov the lt few years in the struggle for Racial Justice, but by admitting that before the problem is solved we still have numerous things to do and many challenges to meet. And itit is this realistic position that i would like to use as a basis for our thinking together tonight as we think abt the prlem in t United States we have come a long, long way, but have a ng, long way to go befe the prlem is sved. Now let us nicice fit ththat weve come l long,ong g wa d i woullike to y at this point that the negroro himself s come aonong, lg waway realuatingis own irinsic rth. Now, in order to illustrate this, a little history is necessary. It was in the year 1619 when the first negro slaves landed on the shores of america. And they were brought there from the soils of africa. Unlike the pilgrim fathers who landed at plymouth a year later, they were brought there against their wills. And throughout slavery, the negro was treated in a very inhuman fashion. He was a thing to be used, not a person to be respected. The United States Supreme Court rendered a decision in 1857 known as the dred scott decision, which well illustrated what existed a at that time. For inin this decisision the sue court of the United States s sa, in substance, that the negro is not a citizen of the United States, he is merely property subject to the dictates of his owner. And it went t on to say that the negro has no rights that the white man is bound to respect. This was the idea ththat prevaid during the days of slavery. With the growth of slavery, it became necessary to give some justification for it. You know, it seems to be a fact of life that human beings cannot continue to do wrong without eventually reaching out for some thin rationalization to clothe an obvious wrong in the beautiful garments of righteousness. And thisis is exactly whwhat happened during the days of slavery. There were those who even misused the bible and religion to give some justification for slavery and to crystallize the patterns of the status quo. And so it was argued from some pulpits that the negro was inferioror by naturere because f noahs curse upon the children of ham. Then the Apostle Pauls dictum became a watchword, servants be obedient to your master. And one brother had probably read the logic of the great philosopher aristotle. You know, aristotle did a great deal to bring into being what we now know as formal logic in philosophy. And in formal logic, there is a big word known as the syllogism, which has a major premise, a Minor Premise, and a conclusion. And so this brother decided to put his argument for the inferiority of the negro in the framework of an aristotelian syllogism. He could say all men are made in the image of god this was a major premise. Then came the Minor Premise god, as everybody knows, is not a negro, therefore the negro is not a man. [laughter] this was the kind of reasoning that prevailed. While living with the conditions of slavery and then, later, segregation, many negroes lost faith in themselves. Many came to feel that perhaps they were less than human. Many came to feel that they were inferior. This, it seems to me, is the greatest tragedy of slavery, the greatest tragedy of segregation, not merely what it does to the individual physically, but what it does to one psychologically. It scars the soul of the segregated as well as the segregator. It gives the segregator a false sense of superiority, while leaving the segregated with a false sense of inferiority. And this is exactly what happened. Then something happened to the negro, and circumstances made it possible and necessary for him to travel more the coming of the automobile, the upheavals of two world wars, the great depression. And so his rural plantation background gradually gave way to urban industrial life. His Economic Life was gradually rising through the growth of industry, the development of organized labor and expanded educational opportunities. And even his cultural life was gradually rising through the steady decline of crippling illiteracy. All of these forces conjoined to cause the negro in america to take a new look at himself. Negro masses all over began to reevaluate themselves. And then Something Else happened, along with all of this, the negro in the United States turned his eyes and his mind to africa. And he noticed the magnificent drama a of independedence taking acace on the statage of african history. And noticing what was happening and noticing what was s being de on the part of his black brothehers and sisters in africa gave him n new sense of didigniy in the united statates and a new sense of selfrespect. The negro came to feel that he wawas somebodydy. His religion revealed to him at god lov all o of his childrdren and that all l men ae made in his imimage, and that te basic ththinabout a maman is not his s specificity,y, but his fundamentum, not the texture o f his hair or r the color r of his skin, bubut his eternal l digniy and d worth. And so the negegro in americica could now cry ouout unconsciousy with the eloquent poet, fleecy locks, andnd black complexion cannot forfefeit natures clcla. Skin may differ, but affection dwells in black and white the same, and, were i so tall as to reach the pole,e, or to grasp the ocean at a span, i must be memeasured by my soul. The mind is the stanandard of te man. And with this s new sense of dignity and this new sense of selfrespect, a new negro came into being with a new determination to sufuffer, to struggle, toto sacrifice, andn to die, if necessary, in order to b bfree. And this reveals that we have come a long, long way since 1619. But if we are to be true to the facts, it is necessary to say that not only has the negro reevaluated his own intrinsic worth, the whole nation has come a long, long way in extending the frontiers of civil rights. I would d like to mention justsa few ththings that have happepenn our country which reveal this. 50 years ago, or even 25 years ago, a year hardly passed when numerous negroes were not brutally lynched by some vicious mob. Fortunately, lynchings have about ceased today. If one would go back to the turn of the century, you would find that in the southern part of the United States you had very few negroes registered to vote. By 1948, that number had leaped to about 750,000. In 1960, it had leaped to 1,200,000. And when we went into the president ial election just a few weeks ago, that number had leaped to o more than two milli. We went into that election with more than two million negroes registered to vote in the south, which meant that we in the civil rights movement, by working hard, have been able to add more than 800,000 new n negroes as registered vototers in the last three years. This revealsls that we have made strides. Ththen when we look at t the question of Economic Justicece, therees much to do, but wewe n at least say that t some strid hahave been mamade. The average negro wage e earner who is employed today in the United States earns 10 times more than the average negro wage earner of 12 years ago. And the National Income of the negro is now at a little better than 28 billion a year, which is all more than all of the exports ofof the United States d more thahan the national budgegf canada. This reveals that t we have made some strideses in this arere but probably more ththan anythig elelse and d youve read abot so m much here a and all over te world,d, im sure we have noticed a gradual decline, and even demise, of the system of racial segregation. Now, the legal histotory of racl segregation had its beginning in 1896. Many people feel that racial segregation has been a reality in the United States a long, long time. At the fact is that t this was a rather recent phenomenon in our coununtry, just a lilittle bettr than 6 60 years old. And it had its legal beginning with a decision known as the plessy v. Ferguson decision, which said, in substance, that separate but equal facilities could exist, and it made the doctrine of separate but equal the law of the land. We all know what happened as a result of the old plessy doctrine there was always the strict enforcement of the separate, without the slightest intention to abide by the equal. And the negro ended up being plunged into the abyss of exploitation, where he experienced the bleakness of nagging injustice. And then something marvelous happened. The Supreme Court of our nation in 1954 examined the legal body of segregation, and on may 17 of that year pronounced it constitutionally dead. It said, in substance, that the old plessy doctrine must go, that separate facilities are inherently unequal, and that the segregated child on the basis of his race is to deny that child equal protection of the law. And so weve seen many changes since that momentous decision was rendered in 1954, that came as a great beacon light of hope into millions of disinherited people all over our nation. Then Something Else happened which brought joy to all of our hearts. It happed this year. It was last arar aft thehe strule in birminghamalalabam that the late esident nnedy came to realize that there was a basic issue atat ourountntryad to gpppple wh. With sense oconcern ana sensof immedcy, he mada greaspeech aew days bere ather, iwas reallyn the same dayhat the unersityf alabamwas toe integred, and vernor wlace sod in the or and ted to ock that integratn. Mr. Keedy had have e nation guard feraliz. He sod beforthe naon and said ieloquenterms t prlem whh we facin the areaf civirights inot mely a pitical iue, it is nomerelyn econom issue, it , at botm, a moralssue. It is old as e scriptur and asodern ashe nstituon. It ia questi of whethewe willreat ouregro broths as weurselvesould like be treate and on the heels of that great speech, he went in, recommended to the cgress ofur natio the stst comehensiveivilil rightsilill ev rececomnded b by any presenent ofur g gre nation. Unfortunately, after many months of batattle, and f for a perioie got a little tired of atat you knknow, there e are some men our country o o like to tatalk a lot. Maybe you re a abouthe filister. Anyou knowhey get gged down in the raralysiof analysis, and they wl l justo on and on anonon. And they wanted to talththat bill t tdeath. But prident t lyon johon g got to work. He s srted calling conessmsmen anand natorsrsn and started meing dadain and d day out witih influentiaial people i in the country y and makingng it cleart that b bill had toto pass, as sa tributute to the l late presidit kennededy, but alslso as a trire to therereatness of f the cocouy anand as an expresessionf its dedicacaon to the americanan dream. And it was tt t greaday y last summer that atat bilcameme io ining, andt was onululy 2 at mr. Johnn signed that bi a and it became the laofof theand. D. And so in amicica no we e have civil rights bill. And im happy to report to you that by and large, that bill is being implemented in communities all across the south. We have seen some surprising levels of compliance, even in some communities in the state of mississippi. And whenever you can find anything right in mississippi, things are getting better. [laughter] amy y dr. Martin luther kingng, speaking in london, december 7, 191964. Well return to the speech after this break. [music break] amy this is democracy now , democracynow. Org, the war and peace report. Im amy goodman. In this democracy now exclusive, we return to dr. Martin luther king, jr. In his own words from a recording recently discovered by the pacifica radio archives. This is from december 7, 1964, in london, just days before dr. King received the Nobel Peace Prize in oslo, norway. We can never forget the fact that just this summer three civil rights workers were brutally murdered near philadelphia, mississippi. All of this reveals to us that we have not achieved the level of brotherhood we have not achieved the brotherhood that we need and that we must have in our nation. We still have a long, long way to go. I mentioned Voter Registration and the fact that we have been able to add about 800,000 new registered voters in the last two or three years, the fact that its over two million now. I guess that sounded like Real Progress, and it does represent some progress. But let me give you the other side, and that is the fact that there are still more than 10 million negroes living in the southern part of the United States, and some six million of the negroes living in the southern part of the United States are of voting age and yet only two million are registered. This means that four million remain unregistered, not merely because they are apathetic, not because they are complacent this may be true of some few but because all types of conniving methods are still being used to keep negroes from becoming registered voters. Complex literacy tests are given, which make it almost impossible for anybody to pass the test, even if he has a ph. D. Degree in any field or a law degree from the best law schools of the world. And then actual economic reprisals are often taken out against negroes who seek to register and vote in some of the black belt counties of mississippi and alabama and other places. Then some are actually faced with physical violence and sometimes physical death. This reveals that we have a great deal that must be done in this area. I mentioned Economic Justice, and i am sure that that figure, 28 billion, sounded very large. Thats a lot of money. But then i must go on and give you the other side if i am to be honest about the picture. That is a fact that 42 of the negro families of the United States still earn less than 2000 a year, while just 16 of the white families earn less than 2000 a year. 21 of the negro families of america earn less than 1000 a year, while just 5 of the white families earn less than 1000 a year. And then we face the fact that 88 of the negro families of america earn less than 5000 a year, while just 58 of the white families earn less than 5000 a year. So we can see that there is still a great gulf between the haves, so to speak, and the havenots. And if america is to continue to grow and progress and develop and move on toward its greatness, this problem must be solved. Now, this economic problem is getting more serious because of many forces alive in our world and in our nation. For many years, negroes were denied adequate educational opportunities. For many years, negroes were even denied apprenticeship trtraining. And so, the forces of labor and industry so often discriminated against negroes. And this meant that the negro ended up being limited, by and large, to unskilled and semiskilled labor. Now because of the forces of automation and cybernation, these are the jobs that are now passing away. And so, the negro wakes up in a city like detroit, michigan, and discovers that he is 28 of the population and about 72 of the unemployed. Now, in order to grapple with that problem, our federal government w will have t to devp massive retraining programs, Massive Public works programs, so that automation can be a blessing, as it must be to our society, and not a curse. Then the other thing when we as think of this economic problem, we must think of the fact that there is nothing more dangerous than to build a societety with a segment i in tt society which feels that it has no stake in ththe society, and nothining more dangerous t thano build a society with a number of people who see life as little more than a long and desololate corridor with no exit sign. They end up with despair because they have no jobs, because they cant educate their children, because they cant live in a nice home, because they cant have Adequate Health facilities. We always hear of the various reasons why and the various myths concerning integration and why integration shouldnt come into being. Those people who argue against integration at this point often say, well, if you integrate the public schools, for instance, you will pull the white race back a generation. And they like to talk about the cultural lag in the negro community. And then they go on to say, now, you know, the negro is a criminal, and he has the highest crime rate in any city that you cacan find in the unitited stat and the arguments go on ad infinitum why integration shouldnt come into being. But i think theres an answer to that, and that is that if there is c cultural lag in the negegro community a and there certaiy is this lag is there bebece of segreregation andnd discrimination. Itit there bececause of long yes of slavery and segregation. Criminal responses are not racial, but environmental. Poverty, economic deprivation, social isolation and all of these things breed crime, whatever the racial group may be. And it is a torturous logic to use the tragic results of racial segregation as an argument for the continuation of it. It is necessary to go back. [applause] and so it is necessary to see this and to go all out to make Economic Justice a reality all over our natioion. I mentioned that racial segregation is about dead in the united statates, but its still with us. We are about past the day of legal segregation. We have about ended de jure segregation, where the laws of the nation or of a particular state can uphold it, because of the civil rights bill and the Supreme Courts decision and other things. We have passed the day when the negro cant eat at a lunch counter, with the exception of a few isolated situations, or where the negro cant check in a motel or hotel. We are fastly passing that day. But there is another form of segregation coming up. It is coming up through housing discrimination, joblessness, and the de facto segregation in the public schools. And so the ghettoized conditions that exist make for many problems, and it makes for a hardcore, de facto segregation that we must grapple with on a daytoday basis. And so this is the problem that we face, and this is a problem that we are forced to deal with. And we are going to deal with it in a determined way. I am absolutely convinced that segregation is on its deathbed, and those who represent it, whether they be in the United States or whether they be in london, england, the system is on its deathbed. [applause] but certainly, we all know that if democracy is to live in any nation, segregation must die. And as ive tried to say all over america, weve got to get rid of segregation not merely because it will hehelp our image it certainly wiwill help our image in the world. Weve got to get rid of segregation not merely because it will appeal to asian and African People and this certainly will be helpful, this is important. But in the final analysis, Racial Discrimination must be uprooted from amamerican society and from every society, becaue it is morally wrwrong. So it is necessary to go all out and develop Massive Action programs to get rid of racial segregation. Now i would like to mention one or two ideas that circulate in our society and they probably circulate in your society and all over the world that keep us from developing the kind of action programs necessary to get rid of discrimination and segregation. One is what i refer to as the myth of time. There are those individuals who argue that only time can solve the problem of Racial Injustice in the United States, in south africa, or anywhere else. Youve got to wait on time. And i know theyve said to us so often in the states and to our allies in the white community, just be nice and be patient and continue to pray, and in 100 or 200 years the problem will work itself out. We have heard and we have lived with the myth of time. The only answer that i can give to that myth is that time is neutral. It can be used either constructively or destructively. And i must honestly say to you that im convinced that the forces of ill will have often used time much more effectively than the forces of goodwill. And we may have to repent in this generation, not merely for the vitriolic words and the violent actitions of the bad people, but for the appalling silence and indifference of the good people who sit around saying, wait on time. [applause] and somewhere along the way it is necessary to see that Human Progress never rolls in on the wheels of inevitability. It comes through the tireless efforts and the persistent work of dedicated individuals who are willing to be coworkers with god. And without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the primitive forces of social stagnation. And so we must help time, and we must realize that the time is always ripe to do right. This is so vital, and this is so necessary. Now, the other myth ththat gets around a great deal inin our nation and, im sure, in other nations of the worldld is the ia that you cantt solve the problems in ththe realm of human relations ththrough legislation. You cant solve the housing problem and the job problem and all of these other problems through legislation. Youve got to change the heart. We had a president ial candidate just recently who spoke about this a great deal. And i think mr. Goldwater sincerely believed that you couldnt do anything through legislation because he voted against everything in the senate, including the civil rights bill. And he said all over the nation throughout the election that we dont need legislation, that legislation cant deal with this problem. But he was nice enough to say that youve got to change the heart. Now i want to at least go halfway with brother goldwater at that point. I think hes right. If were going to get this Problem Solved in america and all over the world, ultimately, people must change their hearts where they have prejudices. If we are going to solve the problems facing mankind, i would be the first to say that every white person must look down deep within and remove every prejudice that may be there, and come to see that the negro, and the colored peoples, generally, must be treated right, not merely because the law says it, but because it is right and because it is natural. I agree with this 100 . And im sure that if the problem is to be solved, ultimately, men must be obedient not merely to that which can be enforced by the law, but they must rise to the Majestic Heights of being obedient to the unenforceable. But after saying all of that, i must go on to the other side. This is where i must leave mr. Goldwater and others who believe that legislation has no place. It may be true that you cant legislate integration, but you can legislate desegregation. It may be true that morality cannot be legislated, but behavior can be regulated. It may be true that the law cant change the heart, but it can restrain the heartless. It may be true that the law cant make a man love me, but it can restrain him from lynching me. And i think thats pretty important also. Amy dr. Martin luther king, jr. , speaking in london on december 7, 1964. Well return to that speech after this break. [music break] amy this is democracy now , democracynow. Org, the war and peace report. Im amy goodman. In this democracy now exclusive, we return to dr. Martinin luther kiking, jr. In his own words from a recording recently discovered by the pacifica radio archive, the speech given in london, december 7, 1964, just days before dr. King received the Nobel Peace Prize in oslo, norway. Now, as you know, we have been engaged in the United States in a massive struggle to make desegregation and, finally, integration a reality. And in that struggle, there has been an undergirding philosophy the philosophy of nonviolence, the philosophy and method of nonviolent resistance. And id like to say just a few words about the method or the philosophy that has undergirded our struggle. And first i wantnt to say that m still convinced that nviolence is the most tetent wponn available o oppreed p peoe in their stggggle f frereed and justice. It has way of sasarminthe opponent, exposingis moral defeeses. It weakensisis more, a andt the sa t time wororksn hiss conscice, and j just esnnt know howo o hand it. T. He doest beat y, wonderful. Ifif hbeats yo you devop the quiet courage of accepting blows withouretaliatg. Do if d doesn put youn il, wondful. Nobodyitith ansensnse ves toto go to ja. But ife puts y in jailyou go iththat jl anand ansfororit from a dungeonf f shamto a a haven f freed andnd han dignity. Evenf f he tes t to ll youou you develop the inner conviction that there is something so dear, somethinso precis, something so ernrnallyrue,e, tt theyeyre worth dying for. And if a man has not discovered something that he ll die f, he isn f fit tliveve. And this is what the nonviolent scipline says. [applause] and then the other thing about it is that it gives the individual a way of struggling to secure moral ends through moral means. One of the g great debates of history has been over the whole question of ends and means. All the way back from the days of platos d dialogues coming on up through machiavelli and others, there have been those individuals who argued that the end justifies the means. But in a real sense, the nonviolent philosophy comes along and sayshat the end is preexistent in the means. The means represent the ideal in the making and the end in process. And so that in the long run of history, immoral means cannot bring about moral ends. Somehow man must come to the poinint that he sees the necessy of hing endsnd means cohengng, soo spspea and isis is ne of the things at is bac in theonviolentt philosophyt t its st. Itives one way and a mhod of struggle which says that you can seek to secure moral ends through moral means. It also says that it is possible to struggle against an evil, unjust syste w with l yoyour might and thth allour r het, and even hate that unjus syst, but yeyou maintain an attide of active gooill and understandinanand ev lovove r the perpetrarsrs of at e evi system. And this is the most misunderstood aspect of nonviolence. And this is where ose who nt wanto followhehe nonviolent method say a lot of bad things to those of us who talk about love. T i stilgo on anbelieve , becausi am sti convinc th it is le that mes the worlgo round, d somehothis kind of lolove can be a powerful force for social change. Im not talking about a weak love. Im not talking about emotional bosh here. Im not talking about some ntimentaquality. Im not talkinabout an affectiote r resnse. It would be nonsense to urge oppressed people to love their violent oppressors in an affectionate sense, and i have never advised that. Wh jesus said, loveour enies, im happy d didn sa like yr enemies. Its prettdidiffict toto le some people. But love is eater th like. Love is unrsrstanding creati, redemptiveoooodwilfor r almen. Theogians ta about ts kind of love withhehe gre worord agape, whi i is a rt o of overflowg g lovehat seek nothininin retn. And whwhen one develops thisyou rise to e positi of bein ableo love the persowho does the il deed,hile hating the deed that thpepersonoes. S. Ani bebelieve at this n bebe done. Ychiatrists artelling n now that hatd is a danrous foe, n noterely fothe hate but also the her. Manyf the strange things that happen in the subconscious, many of the inner conflts, are rooted ihate. And so ty y arsaying, love perish. Thiss why erh fromm n ite a bo entitlethe art ving, aring thatove is t supremunifyingorce of fe. D so it wonderf to have thod of ruggle wre it is ssible tstand upgainst segregation, to and upupgainst conialism th all oyour might, andetet notate the peetrators of thesununjust systems. Ani believfirmly tt it is thugh thisind of powerful nonviolentction, this s kindf lo that orgazes itself into mass action, that we will be able to o transform the jangling discords of our nation and the worlininto aeaututif symphphy brotherhood. Certainly this ithe grea challenge facing us. Now, ihink thanonviolee can work not onlinin the situatn thate find iour country, not only with the magnificent example that we have in india, expressed through the marvelous work of mohandas k. Gandhi, but i think it can wok in ways anand in circumstances that we havent seen it or we hahavent used it t before. And in this context i would like , to Say Something about south africa. And id like to read just a statement that i have written here so that ill be sure that ill say everything that i have in mind about the South African situation without missing anything. I understand there are here tonight South Africans, some of whom have been involved in the long struggle for freedom there. In our struggle for freedom and justice in the United States, which has also been so long and difficult, we feel a powerful sense of identification with those in the far more deadly struggle for freededom in south africa. We know how africans there, and their friends of other races, strove for half a century to win their freedom by nonviolent methods. We have honored chief lutuli for his leadership, and we know how this nonviolence was only met by increasing violence from the state, increasing repression, culminating in the shootings at sharpepeville and alall that has happened since. Clclearly, there is much in mississippi and alabama a to remimind the South Africans of theieir own country, yet even in mimississippi we can organize eo registster negro v voters. We can speak to the press. We can, in short, organize the people in nonviolent action. But in south africa, even the mildest form of nonviolent resistance meets with years of imprisonment, and leaders over many years havave been resestrid and silenced and imprisonened. We can undererstand how in thatt situation peopop felt so desperate ththat they turned to other methods, such as sabotage. Today, great leaders like Nelson Mandela and Robert Sobukwe are among the many hundreds wasting away in Robben Island prison. Against a massive, armed and ruthless state, which uses torture and sadistic forms of interrogation to crush human beings, even driviving some to suicide, the militant opposition inside south africa seems for the moment to be silenced. The mass of the people seems to be contained, seems for the moment unable to break from the oppression. I emphasize the word seems because we can imagine what emotions and plans must be seething below the calm surface of that prosperous police state. We know what emotions are seseethingng in the rest o of a, anand indeed all over ththe wor. Ththe dangers of a race e war, f these dangers we have had repeated and profound warning. It is in this situation, with the great mass of South Africans denied their humanity, their dignity, denied opportunity, denied all human rights. It is in this situation, with many of the bravest and best South Africans serving long years in prison, with some already executed. In this situation we in america and britain have a unique responsibility, for it is we, through our investments, through our governrnments failure to at decisivevely, who are guilty of bolstering up the sosouth africn tytyranny. Our responsibility [applause] our responsibility presents us with a unique opportunity, we can join in the one form of nonviolent action that could bring freedom and justice to south africa, the action which african leaderers have appealed for in a Massive Movement for ececonom sanctctions. In a wororld living under the appalllling shadow of nuclclear weapons,s, do we not recognize e need to perfrfect the use of economic pressures . Why is trade r regarded by all nations and all ideologies as sacred . Why does our government and your government in britain refuse to intervene effectively now, as if only when there is a bloodbath in south africa or a korea or a vietnam will they recognize a crisis . If the United Kingdom and the United States decided tomorrow morning not to buy South African goods, not to buy South African gold, to put an embargo on oil, if our investors and capitalists would withdraw their support for that racial tyranny that we find there, then apartheid would be brought to an end. [applause]e] then the majority of South Africans of all races could at last build the shared society they desire. And so this is a challenge facing the nations of the world. And god grant that we will meet this challenge and be a part of that great Creative Movement that will seek to bring about change and transform those dark yesterdays of mans inhumanity to man into bright tomorrows of justice and peace and goodwill. And may i say to you that the problem of Racial Injustice is not lilimited to any one nation. We know now that t this is a problelem spreading all over the globe. And right here in london and right herere in england, you knw so well that thousands and thousands of colored people are migrgrating here frorom many, my lands from ththe west indies, from pakistan, f from india, frm africa. And d they have ththe just righo come to this great land, and they have the justst right to expect justice andnd democracy n this land. D. And gland must be eteternally vigilant. For if not, the same kind of ghettos will develop that we have in the harlems of the unit statates. The same problems s of injustic, the same problems of inequality in jobs will develop. And so i say to you that the challenge before every citizen of goodwill of this nation is to go all out to make democracy a reality for everybody, so that everybody in this land will be able to live together and that all men will be able to live together as brothers. You know, there are certain words in every academic discipline that soon become stereotypes and cliches. Every academic discipline has its technical vocabulary. Modern psychology has a word that is probably used more than any other word in modern psychology. It is the word maladjusted. Youve heard that word. This is the ringing crcry of modedern child psychology. Y. Anand certainly we all w want to lilive welladjusted livives in order to avoid neurotitic and schizophrenic personalities. But i must say to you this evening, my friends, as i come to a close, that there are some things in my own nation, and there are some things in the world to which i am proud to be maladjusted and to which i call upon all men of goodwill to be maladjusted until the good society is realized. I must honestly say to you that i never intend to become adjusted to segregation, discmination, colonialism and these particular forces. I must honestly say to you that i never intend to adjust myself to religious bigotry. I must honestly say to you that i never r intend to adjust mysyf to ecoconomic conditions thahatl take necessities frorom the mamy to give luxuries t to the few. W. I stst say to yoyou tonight thai never intend to become adjusted toto the madneness of mililitard the selflfdefeating effffects f physical violence,e, for in a dy when sputniks and explorers are dashing through ououter space ad guided Ballistic Missiles are carving highwaysys of death through the stratosphere, no nation can win a war. It is no longer the choice between violence and nonviolence. It is either nonviolence or nonexistence. And the alternative toto disarmament, the alternative to a greateter suspension of nucler tests, the alternative to strengthening the United Nations and thereby disarming the whole world, may w well be a civilization plungeded into the abyss of annihilation. And i assure you that i will never adjust to the madness of militarism. You see, it may well be that our whole world is in need at this time for a new organization the International Association for the advancement of creative maladjustment [applause] men and women who o will be e as maladjusted as the prophet amos, who in the midst of the injustices of his day could cry out in words that echo across the centuries, let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. As maladjusted as the late abraham lincoln, the great president of our nation, who had the vision to see that the United States could not survive halfslave and halffree, as maladjusted as thomas jefferson, who in the midst of an age amazingly adjusted to slavery, could etch across the pages of history words lifted to cosmic proportions, we hold these truths to be selfevident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. As maladjusted as jesus of nazareth, who could say to the men and women of his day, he who lives by the sword will perish by the sword. And through such maladjustment, we will be able to emerge from the long and desolate midnight of mans inhumanity to man into the bright and glittering daybreak of freedom and justice. May i say to you that i still believe that mankind will rise up to the occasion. In spite of the darkness of the hour, in spite of the difficulties of the moment, in spite of these days of emotional tension when the problems of the world are gigantic in extent and chaotic in detail, i still have faith in the future, and i still believe that we can build this society of brotherhood and this society of peace. We have a song that we sing in our movement, and we have joined hands to sing it so often, beyond behind jail bars. I can remember times that we have been in jail cells made for 12 people, and yet you would find some 15 or 20 there, and yet we could go on and lift our voices and sing it. I mentioned it yesterday afternoon as i was preaching at st. Pauls. We shall overcome. We shall overcome. Deep in my heart i do believe we shall overcome. And somehow i believe that mankind will overcome, and i believe that the forces of evil will be defeated. I believe this because carlyle is right, no lie can live forever. I believe that we shall overcome because William Cullen bryant is right, truth crushed to earth will rise again. I believe that we shall overcome because James Russell lowell is right, truth forever on the scaffold wrong forever on the throne. Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the then unknown standeth god within the shadow, keeping watch above his own. With this faith, we will be able to adjourn the counsels of despair and bring new light into the dark chambers of pessimism. With this faith, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace and brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to speed up the day when all of gods children black men and white men, jews and gentiles, protestants and catholics, hindus and muslims, theists and atheists will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, free at last free at last thank god almighty, we are free at last we have a long, long way to go before this problem is solved, but thank god weve made strides. Weve come a long, long way, before i close by quoting the words of an old negro slave preacher, who didnt quite have his grammar and diction right, but who uttered words of great symbolic profundity, lord, we aint what we want to be. We aint what we ought to be. We aint what we gonna be. But, thank god, we aint what we was. Thank you. [applause] amy dr. Martin luther king, jr. , speaking in london at city temple on december 7, 1964. He would receive the Nobel Peace Prize three days laterer in osl, norway. The recording of this speech was recently discovered by brian deshazor, director of the pacifica radio archives. To get a copy of todays show and to learn more about how this rare king recording was discovered, go to our website at democracynow. Org. The pacific radio archives website is pacificaradioarchives. Org. That does it for todays show. Democracy now is looking for feedback from people who appreciate the closed captioning. Email your comments to outreach democracynow. Org or mail them to democracy now p. O. Box 693 new york, new york 10013. [captioning made possible by democracy now ] Ruben Martinez los angeles, from the early 20th century all the way until today, is a city defined by immigrants arriving here in wave afafter wave. Were a cicity of immimigrants. Its all coming in a a human migration, a human journey, ultimately. Tthats how food gets around the world. We carry it with us in our stomachs and our bodies and in our culturere. Those kinds of journeys, those kinds of migrations, are very los angelino. So, stuff starts to shift cculturally in all kinds of different ways. People start learning the