But then one of the governors aides suggest he listen more closely to the line that follows in birmingham they love the governor. The next line anybody remember . Boo, boo, boo. Sung by a group of female africanamerican backup singers. Including, by the way, the great mary clayton who originated the role of the acid queen in the whos tommy. That has nothing to do with what were talking about tonight. I just think thats a cool fact. So ronny and the boys never got their citation from the governor. We have chosen this line as the title for our program tonight because it is like the legacy of George Wallace debated, parsed, and still relevant in the 21st century america. We are fortunate to have three respected and accomplished scholars with us tonight to explore the role of George Wallace in birmingham civil rights struggle and the legacy of wallace in our politics and culture today. Our first speaker will be dan t. Carter. He has served as professor and visiting scholar at emory university, university of maryland, university of wisconsin, londons westminster university, cambridge university, university of genoa and the university of south carolina. His book, scottsboro won the bancroft prize and the smith book award. He is the author of the highly regarded biography the politics of rage George Wallace, the origins of the new conservatism and the transformation of american politics. Our second speaker will be dr. Glenn eskew. He is professor of history at Georgia State university. Birmingham native. He is author of the book but for birmingham the local and National Movements in the civil rights struggle, which received the Frances Butler simkins prize at the Southern Historical association, and he is author of the forthcoming book Johnny Mercer southern songwriter for the world. For the past several years, dr. Eskew has served as lecturer and faculty director for annual neh funded summer teacher workshops on teaching the history of the Civil Rights Movement. Our final speaker this evening will be dr. Angela k. Lewis, professor of Political Science in the department of government at the university of alabama at birmingham. She is author of the new book conservatism in the black community, to the right and misunderstood. And awards will be forthcoming. Also a native of birmingham, dr. Lewis is a regular political analyst for cox radio and alabama public radio and works with the organization alabama citizens for constitutional reform. Please join me in welcoming dr. Dan carter. Thank you very much, jim. Im sure most of you here are aware of what an extraordinary resource and the rare one is the Birmingham Public Library and the archives here. Unfortunately, libraries across the country are losing the kind of resources to local history and for national history, and were fortunate to have such an extraordinary facility here in birmingham. I hope youre proud of it. You should be. When i sat down to write a biography of George Wallace, i was taken with the words of the english biographer james basel as he wrote to his friend samuel johnson. Mens hearts are concealed, he said, but their actions are open to scrutiny. I still believe that. We can never know with certainty the inner thoughts, the feelings of individuals, but i do think we can infer motivation from action. And so id like to talk briefly about the role of George Wallace and the events that stretched from january of 1963 through the 16th street bombing. What George Wallace did and why he acted as he did. I hope these brief reflections will tell us something about him and about the larger story of that critical year in the history of birmingham and the history of our nation. As all of us well know, George Wallace began the year in 1963 with his inaugural address in which he promised segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever. And at the same time, reaffirmed his Campaign Commitment to stand in the schoolhouse door to resist federally mandated integration. Wallace was no novice when it came to managing the media as he began his governorship. But he was most focused on his forthcoming confrontation to the Kennedy Administration over his promise to stand in the schoolhouse door. This was an event that he could control, and he did so with extraordinary skill. In part, because it was always, for governor wallace, a political chess match that gave him a kind of distance, i think, emotionally from what was going on. Privately, he concluded that it would be a mistake to let events slip out of control and lead to a repeat of the riots and bloodshed of ole miss the previous fall. And so he used his close contacts with the klan and other violent groups to persuade them to fall back and let him take the lead. But to use a cliche, he kept his cards close to his chest. Only his very closest advisers knew his plans. And publicly, he kept a frustrated robert and john kennedy guessing about what he might do, even hinting at times that he would support armed resistance to desegregation. Nevertheless, while the negotiations were stilted and frustrating to the president and attorney general Robert Kennedy, whatever wallace and his close supporters said privately, they were scrupulously polite in public comments. Meeting with attorney general kennedy in may of 1963, ive heard the tape of that meeting, and it was contentious, often angry, intense, but as soon as they stepped outside for a press conference, the governor was the very soul of graciousness, explaining how he had welcomed the attorney general to alabama, the hospitality state, and he was always welcome back. For George Wallace, it was great fun. Like a highlevel poker game in which he ultimately held the high cards as he carefully choreographed the upcoming confrontation. Governor wallace did not anticipate and, in fact, was initially surprised by the boycott and demonstrations that rocked birmingham beginning that april. He was even more surprised by their growing intensity in a worldwide publicity they engendered. And birmingham was quite different to stand in the schoolhouse door. Not least because governor wallace was never the ringmaster. Martin luther king, greg shuttlesworth, wyatt t. Walker, james bell and other black activists set the agenda, and Alabama State and Birmingham City officials could only react. That does not mean that the governor was aloof from events. He, in fact, followed those very closely. He was personally and almost daily contact with mayor art hanes and his later successor, disputed successor, the slightly more moderate. And his constantly issued statements were hardly marked by public respect. When the socalled childrens crusade began, thousands of young black birmingham youth poured into the streets. The governor went before the legislature in a special address, after repeating his promise to stand in the schoolhouse door, the bulk of his remarks interrupted 21 times by ovation, three times by standing ovations, the bulk of his remarks were devoted to bitter attacks upon the birmingham demonstrators who he described at various points as agitators, integrators, integrationists, communists who were intent on destroying the freedom and liberty of americans everywhere. Make no mistake, he told the cheering lawmakers, it was the communists who were in charge. Everyone knew the demonstrations were communistinspired and communistled. If any deaths occurred, he said through a standing ovation, he would urge Jefferson County grand jury to indict the demonstration leaders for murder. Equally critical was the governors unqualified support for outgoing mayor hanes who had called the white businessmen involved in negotiating with the demonstrators a bunch of quisling, gutless traitors and publicly expressed his agreement with the mayors assessment and added the socalled biracial negotiating group of appeasers have no business meeting with mobsters like Martin Luther king, let alone presuming to negotiate any kind of settlement. And of course there was carter who he also supported without equivocation. The same bull connor he told ahead of time there was going to be a bombing at the gaston motel where Martin Luther king was staying responded, let them blow him up. He was not, he said, pardon my language, going to protect that nigger s. O. B. , and he didnt use the abbreviation for s. O. B. Governor wallace used every possible opportunity to support the most recalcitrant forces in birmingham. The dramatic contrast in how governor wallace dealt with the Kennedy Administration, in his words and actions towards the demonstrations, its not really that hard to explain. Part of its simply a matter of quite different politics of the two situations. For the most part, he was, as i said the ringmaster of the confrontation of the kennedys and knew the last thing that the president , his brother wanted was a repeat of ole miss. That gave him all the leverage he needed to lay out what became ultimately the stand in the schoolhouse door, but as i said he had no control over events in birmingham. As he confronted thousands of young people willing to put their bodies on the line. Now, he continued in talking about the demonstrations, he continued the same reverence in the months leading up to the 16th street bombing, i think urging violence, supporting groups which attempted to prevent the integration of birmingham schools, and publicly, and i do mean publicly, embracing some of the most repellant individuals in the bestiary of violent southern resistance, including neonazis, who he specifically made a point of supporting. And i cant help but keep thinking of his comments just four days before the bombing when he told a reporter, this society is coming apart at the seams. What this country needs is a few firstclass funerals. Or his private comments afterwards in which he suggested the followers of the bombing might well have been the work of blacks intent on provoking violence or sabotage of the original case against the bombers, making it much more difficult for the fbi to bring charges against them. Now this was the same George Wallace who had served diligently on the Tuskegee University board of trustees in the early 1950s, the same George Wallace who had been the first judge in alabama using courtesy titles in referring to black attorneys and clients in his court, the same George Wallace who unsuccessfully sought the governorship in 1958 by attacking the ku klux klan and promising his followers to treat everyone with equal Justice Without regard for race. Of course, in part it was simply submission to the political winds of racism. Having lost in 1958 he famously complained that his opponent, i think it also reflects something more, a deep and authentic anger over the assertiveness of black southerners. In that sense, George Wallaces anger and his lack of any kind of balance reflects that of whites of moderate positions. They were willing to move, and George Wallace had shown early he was toward some kind of more just society but always at their pace. I was a reporter in the late 1950s and even before the events in birmingham i can still recall the sense of hurt and betrayal by white moderates who felt they were trying to do the right thing but negros who should be grateful, they just wouldnt wait. They wouldnt let them set the timetable. If they were frustrated, most whites, even whites who considered themselves people of good will, were furious. These people should be grateful to us. Instead, theyre sabotaging them. Its fascinating to read the transcript of a meeting of prominent Birmingham Business community with president kennedy in may of 1963 in which he tries to reprimand them to get them to do something, and they just light into him. You dont understand, were the moderates, were the liberals, and we cant let these demonstrators set the terms of the settlement. It was a sense of betrayal. George wallace, in 1963, was running for king of alabama, his president ial aspirations come shortly afterwards. All of this made him enormously popular in the state. And events from 1963 onward, the war in vietnam, the antiwar movement, what we might call the rise of the counterculture, pornography, sex, all of these things, along with the race riots of the 1960s, fight of the 1960s, suddenly transformed George Wallace into a national figure. And he ended up, of course, running an extraordinarily successful, not finally but ultimately given his background, Extraordinary Campaign in 1968 in which at one point 28 of the American People said they supported George Wallace for president. Nevertheless, he was always limited of what happened in 1963. No one could ever erase from their minds his actions, his words, and the events of 1963. It always placed a cap on what he in what he could accomplish as a national politician. So i do think, in many ways, what George Wallace did, what he said, how he felt, accurately, as it often did, reflected the views of most white house venues and thats a tragedy, of course. Maybe not that fervently, but it was there. So now we sit, 50 years later, what should we remember about these events . Ive tried to suggest that these parochial happenings which seemed to mark the triumph of the Civil Rights Movement also led to the rise of a reaction that continues until today. Last year the professions commitment to presenting the story of our past as truthfully as possible, but i also share the view of the russian novelist leo tolstoy. History worth writing or reading should ultimately lead to some form of moral reflection. At its best, conversation with the past can do more than inform us about what people have said and done. It can help us think about how we should do. And as ive grown older, thats a point of view that has grown stronger. So what do we learn . In answering that question everyone must be their own historian. I can only give you my point of view. And to me, among the many threads that reach backwards beyond 1963 and far until the day when one keeps recurring, and that is the tendency, even the need to divide ourselves between us and them, the worthy and the unworthy. It takes many more. Race was more predominant in the 1960s, but theres a darker part of our nations history. The tendency to mark out, not only africanamericans, but others and somehow unworthy of Human Dignity and worth. Native americans, jews, catholics, immigrants, homosexuals, this morning my wife and i were driving over from atlanta and we were in that blank space between atlanta and birmingham, and we turned on the radio. And we started listening to christian radio. And i was literally sick to my stomach as this commentator goes on about the muslims. You know, the president is supporting the muslims. The president implicitly is a muslim. The indication being these are people that are horrible. And somehow he should be expelled from america, certainly controlled. And the poor and the isolated as well. At times i wonder what has happened. What has happened. The mobilization of black and white americans in birmingham evolved in far more than the struggle to buy a hot dog at a lunch counter, even to cast a vote. Those who shaped the fight for civil rights beginning in the 1930s used the term beloved Community Without the italics of irony. However naive that may seem in retrospect, they held up the illusion of america committed to genuine opportunity for those who lived in an iron cage of poverty and social isolation. Above all, the prop greats what seems to be our national compulsion as i said to divide ourselves between the true americans and the other. Given that history, it is difficult to retain some remnant of opposition in a world of violence and a nation divided over the most fundamental levels. More and more the goals that inspired me in the 1960s seem like mirages in an endless desert of selfinterest and greed in which were contemptuous of the very notion of community, a community as i said dedicated to protecting the worth and dignity of every person. And then i remember an essay by johanna basing. A leading scholar of buddhism. In the 1980s she visited a group of tibetan monks that was destroyed by the chinese government. Working with nothing but hand tools and wheelbarrows, they had just begun rebuilding their 1200yearold monastery. Their reconstruction was so limited for sources was overwhelming, and what if the chinese should simply return again with their bulldozers, she asked the monks . They shrugged. Such calculations were conjecture to the monks. Since you cannot see into the future, you simply proceed to put one stone on top of the other. And another on top of that. If the stones get knocked down, you begin again. Because if you dont, nothing will ever get built. Thank you very much. [ applause ] thank you. Good evening. I happen to be here on this panel to discuss the 50th anniversary of events in birmingham as they relate to governor wallace. I would like to thank jim baggett, the department of manuscripts and archives for making this possible. The story of birminghams spring 1963 civil rights demonstrations is wellknown, but often overlooked as the role played by governor george c. Wallace during the protests. Alabamas most famous and powerful segregationists did not sit idly by why the world watched the nonviolent activists confronting brutality in the city streets. He intervened and determined to upstage the drama in tuscaloosa. Yet even bigger actors waiting in the wings and ultimately stole the show. The origins of birminghams modern Civil Rights Movement dates to 1956 when the reverend shuttlesworth organized the Christian Movement the human rights in response to the States Running the National Association for the advancement of colored people out of alabama over the montgomery bus boycott and the attempt to desegregate the university. His organization attracted a small but loyal group of deeply religious activists who firmly believed that god would help them end segregation. Their fanaticism allowed them to wait down the attacks by white vigilantes. When the montgomery boycott case came about, the alabama Christian Movement demanded an end to practice on birmingham buses. In response, Ku Klux Klansmen bombed a baptist church, the dynamite nearly killing the pastor and civil rights leader. Shuttlesworths survival became a sign of divine intervention. During the School Desegregation crisis in little rock, arkansas, when the local movement attempted to register black students at all White Phillips high school in 1957, a mob targeted shuttlesworth and nearly beat him to death. The alabama Christian Movement integrated their terminal train station in 1958, the airport in 1959, and tried to access whitesonly parks in 1960s. When the freedom riders reached birmingham in may 1961, klansmen beat them with impunity. Criticized for not providing police protection, the commissioner of Public Safety, Eugene Connor said his force was off for mothers day. Into the breach stepped shuttlesworth Whose Movement rescued the stranded black and white activists. The National Condemnation of birmingham following the freedom rides confirmed white businessmen linked to the business sector to turn against connor as fractures appeared in heavy industries, big consensus, led by a local realtor, these men advocated a change in government that ultimately removed connor from office in 1963 but until then, bull ran birmingham. Birmingham. Meanwhile, on the state level, the ku klux klan supported John Patterson to not succeed himself in office and his former opponent, george c. Wallace had been dismayed at losing four years before, promising never to be defeated again by running a rabidly racist campaign with full klan endorsement, wallace won alabamas highest office. In his january 1963 inaugural address written by asa carter, he thanked the klan by promising segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever. A notso subtle paraphrase of the klans motto. City and State Government aligned in its defense of White Supremacy. In washington the president had just been burned by the outcome of such fireeating rhetoric. When kennedy entered office he inherited from the Eisenhower Administration a policy of federalism that restrained federal government in its relations with state and local officials. While his predecessor defended School Desegregation in little rock, such action derived from enforcing Court Rulings in the face of massive resistance. Thus with the freedom rides the Kennedy Administration referred to local authorities, not to protect Civil Liberties but to end the violence. When implemented Court Ordered desegregation at the university of mississippi in the fall of 1962, however, a mob intent on maintaining White Supremacy ambushed federal authorities. Following eisenhowers lead in little rock, he sent troops to oxford to secure the admission of james meredith, but they quickly withdrew behind the passive policy of federalism. Frustrated by this slow pace of change, shuttlesworth invited to Birmingham King in the southern Leadership Conference to join the alabama Christian Movement and demonstrations. Not having a success since the montgomery bus boycott and suffering a setback in south georgia, king needed a victory to make it viable. The two groups determined not to follow albanys strategy of filling the jail, but instead to target the merchants with sitins, picket signs and a boycott so they might convince the city to repeal the segregation ordinances. On april 3, 1963, the Birmingham Campaign began when 20 black men and women asked for service at lunch counters around the Business District. Led by shuttlesworth lieutenants, calvin woods, these Movement Members drew on their deep faith that god would protect them in the struggle for race reform. Police arrested the protesters as bull connor demonstrated his commitment to White Supremacy. At a mass meeting that night, shuttlesworth and king announced other demonstrations would follow. The first protest march occurred on april 6 when shuttlesworth led demonstrators to city hall to answer a previously denied parade permit be issued. Itching to expand the protest, a local activist deviated from the type of focus on sitins that supported a Selective Buying Campaign in order to generate Community Interest in the demonstrations. Police stepped in and arrested the 43 activists. On april 7th kings brother headed a column of two dozen out of churches and into streets lined with africanamericans. The arrest of the marchers promoted civic unrest among the black bystanders who while not members of the movement nevertheless identified with the desire for race reform. To control the crowds, officers called up the canine corps. When the black youth flashed a knife at a police dog, the German Shepherd attacked pinning the young man to the ground, swinging billy clubs and sicking the dogs, officers dispersed the crowd. The National Press reported police brutality. King capitalized on such creative tension by staging future episodes after black bystanders had gathered, but ending them in time for National Film crews to get their footage on the plane to new york for the nights evening news as birmingham became a media event. To stymie the movement, connor received a ruling restraining king and shuttlesworth from leading protest marches. The sclcs decision to obey the georgia injunction had ended the albany campaign. And birmingham, the movement defied the state court order. Dressed in the blue denim of the working man, king, shuttlesworth and reverend Ralph Abernathy led 50 people past hundreds of onlookers on april 12th. Law enforcement officials ushered the integrationists into patty wagons, kings arrest focused attention on birmingham. When asked in washington, president kennedy claimed via federalism he had no Legal Authority to intervene. While National Interest grew during kings eightday incarceration, local support waned. The two weeks had tapped the human and Financial Resources of the alabama Christian Movement. Once bailed out king found Birmingham Campaign on the brink of collapse as only a handful of adults volunteered to demonstrate. Yet since the beginning of the mass meetings, young people had gathered in the fellowship halls for special youth activities led kings lieutenants Dorothy Cotton and james bevel and ike reynolds who suggested that students march. King acquiesced out of desperation to generate creative attention to keep media focused on birmingham. The childrens crusade began on may 2nd as hundreds of black students skipped school, gathered in movement centers and embarked on protest marches. Wave after wave the girls washed down the tile steps of the 16th Street Baptist Church into the park. The youngsters took connor by surprise, but by the end of the day, police had crowded 500 black teenagers in the cramped jail cells. At the nights mass meeting, king promised that more marches would happen if the city refused to desegregate. The next morning, may 3rd, connor responded with a show of force. He stationed water cannon around the park and sealed off the black Business District from downtown. Attack dogs strained on their leashes intimidating many black bystanders while other onlookers taunted the officers. When the black youth exited the church, connor hollered, let them have it, as water gushed out of the fire hoses, blasting blindly at males and females. Spinning students down the sidewalk and tearing the bark off trees. I want to see the dogs work, barked bull, as the German Shepherds lunged at the black crowd, ripping at their clothes in search of flesh. Police arrested 700 people as journalists captured the horrifying spectacle on film. The hoses and the dogs elevated bulls birmingham into a National Symbol of racial oppression. The event provided the lead story for newspapers and Radio Broadcasts around the world just as the footage of the brutal suppression played on nbc, abc, cbs and Global Television networks. Consequently on saturday, may 4th, president kennedy identified birmingham as a matter of national and international concern. The media analysis coming in from domestic and Foreign Service suddenly pointed to an american racial crisis to end the protests and negative publicity, kennedy sent assistant attorney general for civil rights Kurt Marshall to birmingham. Unrestrained connor rounded another demonstration saturday afternoon by using fire hoses to pin protesters in the Youth Movement centers. Rather than march on sunday, Civil Rights Activists held kneelins at white churches. School children resumed protest marches on monday, may 6th, but connor refrained from using force as they put them on school buses rendered to jail. Classrooms emptied into the streets as Police Arrested more than a thousand black youth. The city turned the stockade at the state fairground into a holding pen. For in birmingham the movement accomplished what it had failed to do in albany. Filled the jail. Movement strategists called may 7th double d day as they coordinated a nonviolent large demonstration designed to shut the city down. For weeks connor had kept the protests confined to a black area, but the foot soldiers and the nonviolent army bypassed his barricades as dozens of picket signs appeared at the Major Department stores on 19th street. Hundreds of africanamericans milled about the Office Buildings on 20th street as thousands more occupied first avenue flowing down 21st street stopping traffic. Some knelt in prayer. In birmingham, civil order collapsed. A group of white businessmen exited the chamber of Commerce Building into the bedlam below, only to reconvene and call for negotiations to end the demonstrations. Meanwhile, connor, insisted he has been out ma nuf veried reverts to violence. They repulsed the schoolchildren as they exited the baptist church. A battle broke out between the firemen blasting away blindly with the water and the nonviolent protesters in kelly ingram park. In montgomery governor wallace condemned the nonviolent activists in his opening address before the alabama legislature. The confrontational former judge said he was tired of the lawlessness of birmingham and whatever will be done to break it up to restore law and order while sending his new state commissioner of Public Safety colonel al lingo and his police force, the alabama highway patrol, to birmingham. State troopers dressed in militarystyle uniforms with steel helmets and confederate battle flags and bearing sawed off shotguns and machine guns, these Law Enforcement officers answered only to wallace through lingo. While 250 arrived tuesday afternoon, the governor sent over 600 to the city. These men joined conners police and firemen in patrolling downtown. Temperatures topped 90 degrees as angry black bystanders awaited a protest on wednesday. An army of heavily armed hostile Law Enforcement officers surrounded them, but rather than march on may 8, Movement Leaders embraced the moratorium designed to allow negotiations to proceed. Over a tense three days, smire and other white businessmen assisted by Burt Marshall reached a settlement with king and his lieutenants to consider demands for equal employment and desegregation. Disliking the ambiguous terms, reverend shuttlesworth insisted on the threat of continued demonstrations, but then on friday afternoon, may 10th, joined civil rights leaders in the courtyard press Conference Announcing the truce. That night after a planned rally, vigilantes dynamited the hotel and kings brothers house in an effort to assassinate the civil rights leader. The explosions set off a firestorm as they raged after africanamericans rioted. They punctured the tires of police cars and set them ablaze hollering, kill him, at officers. Others torched Light Properties in the 28th block surrounding the gaston motel, but the winds spread the sparks to black homes, as the flames swirled around like a glass furnace. Shoot to kill the wallace ordered the state troopers who stormed into the area to break up the rioters, chasing people onto porches and into tenements beating them with billy clubs. Finally, as incendiary as the violence, birminghams chief of police, james moore, pleaded with the troopers, we dont need any guns down here. You might get somebody killed. You might get somebody killed. Lingos slap was automatic, youre damn right it will kill somebody. By dawn the fires left a smoldering ruin. Responding to the destruction of property, the president mobilized the armed forces, sending soldiers from ft. Bragg to montgomery and to be on standby. He urged birmingham citizens to accept the negotiated accord and make outside military intervention unnecessary. While smire convinced kennedy not to declare martial law, they chaffed by it represented by the federal occupation. Yet civil orders had spread beyond birmingham. The initial rallies of support in los angeles and new york in april 1963 had spawned some 750 demonstrations in nearly 200 cities with the arrests of more than 15,000 protesters across the country. Suddenly, a black rebellion was at hand. The Kennedy Administration was caught off guard. Rather than the Civil Rights Activists in birmingham, the president was more concerned with the actions of alabamas feisty governor who had pledged to stand in the schoolhouse door to stop the federal courts from desegregating state schools. Kennedy feared another ole miss and focused his attentions on wallace rather than king. Attorney general Robert Kennedy compiled the alabama notebook that documented the states corporate ceos to get them to pressure the governor to cool off. But having been elected to defend segregation, wallace wanted to heat things up. So he stole the scene away from birmingham by staging an elaborate charade in tuscaloosa. On june 11th, 1963, he blocked the entrance of Foster Auditorium to prevent africanAmerican Students from entering the university of alabama. The governor choreographed an elaborate dance as washington served the court orders and the National Guard forced him to stand aside. Wallaces behavior, however, came off looking like a victory for resistance to federal authority. Despite kennedys success implementation of the desegregation ruling. The president had had enough. As Burt Marshall recognized the threads ran through the events in tuscaloosa tying them back to birmingham. On june 11, 1963, in a global broadcast of television and radio, kennedy said, today we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. It ought to be possible, therefore, for American Students of any color to attend any Public Institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. Birmingham exposed the problems the nation can no longer prudently ignore. For it revealed the fires and frustration of discord burning in every city, north and south, where legal remedies are not at hand, redress is sought in the streets and demonstrations, parade and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives. To stop the confrontations and negative publicity, kennedy called for sweeping legislation. Eight days later on june 19th he sent to congress his revolutionary civil rights bill of 1963 that harkened back to reconstruction by setting forth legal reforms designed to achieve implementation of the 14th and 15th amendments to the u. S. Constitution and the Civil Rights Act of 1875. To outlaw Racial Discrimination, the federal government would enforce compliance with the new laws by regulating the state commerce and withholding federal funds. The omnibus bill had eight provisions that promoted Voting Rights in School Desegregation, federally assisted programs, extended the life of the civil rights commission, and advocated equal employment opportunities. Capitalizing on the success of birmingham, civil rights leaders staged a protest march on washington. Kings i have a dream speech fit the demands of kennedys legislation for the reasonable race reform like birminghams jail while concluding with the resounding proclamation of faith in the american system. Indeed, the march on washington underscored the centrality at this of birmingham as the watershed moment marking a new federal commitment to end over 300 years of legal Racial Discrimination in america. A short two weeks into this emotional high, birmingham brought the nation crashing back down. Rulings from the federal courts resulted in desegregation of several state schools. Governor wallace led the massive resistance, using colonel lingo and his troopers to prevent black students from entering the schools as white supremacist rhetoric resounded across alabama. Focusing racial hatred. Although wallace had stood up to kennedy, he did not sop the desegregation of the university. And he could not prevent the desegregation of the Elementary Schools when the federal government intervened. So in birmingham they took measures into their own hands. They set a bomb at the 16th Street Baptist Church on september 15th, 1963, taking the lives of four young girls getting ready to participate in the service. In the shocked outrage that followed that day, two other black boys were shot dead in birmingham. The heinous nature of these six murders underscored the depths of depravity of those willing to keep White Supremacy. While the Kennedy Administration had proposed sweeping race reforms with the civil rights bill of 1963, by the fall a less than aggressive president seeking reelection and afraid of losing the votes of white southerners stood by segregationists and Congress Stalled his proposal. The november 1963 assassination of president kennedy in dallas renewed the calls for action. Now the unexpected president lyndon b. Johnson pushed the legislation as a tribute to the martyred leader. Quote, no memorial or racial eulogy could more eloquently honor president kennedys memory than the earliest possible passage of the civil rights bill for which he fought so long. Weve talked long enough in this country about equal rights, johnson said. It is time now to write them in the books of law. Having spent his career on capitol hill, the tough texan called in the chips, cut deals and faced down the filibuster of southern senators, thereby pushing the legislation through both houses. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 not only opened the american system to africanamericans, but to all religious minorities, women, and in time gays, lesbians and the handicapped. Thus the climax of the movement occurred in the streets of birmingham. The violence of the Civil Rights Activists there generated such outrage locally, nationally and globally that the president could no longer hide behind a bankrupt policy of federalism. The trace of wallace helped push kennedy into action, never conceived by segregationists in the south. So the governors response to the lawlessness in birmingham contributed to the new civil rights laws. With a matter of race reform for thrust upon the national stage, presence stole the show. They changed the scene from the hoses, dogs and schoolhouse doors and rewrote the ending in order to promise equality for all. Thank you. [ applause ] hello. Thank you for inviting me this evening. And thank you to the public birmingham library. Before i get started i wanted to start by saying that i am going to attempt to recount wallaces life within the context of black politics. Um, in the last chapter of my book i begin by making your quote, from william clay. He stated in 1992 that black people have no permanent friends, no permanent enemies, just permanent interest. He stated this because within the context of the american political system, black people have shifted from the Republican Party to the Democratic Party. One would not be able to examine George Wallace without examining it in the context of clays statement. That is the motto of the congressional black caucus, also. That is, the black community has no permanent friends, no permanent enemies, just permanent interest. So, a few things are clear about the life and legacy of George Wallace. First he had political ambition. He wanted power. It was very clear that he wanted power. Someone that started out as a populist, a liberal, some would describe as a socialist in his legislative career. Turned out to be a segregationist. Now, although he turned out to be a segregationist later in life, he apologized for his views. He asked people to forgive him. He admitted that he was wrong. One of the things thats really surprising about George Wallaces life and his political career is the amount of support he received from the black community in the 1982 election. People described this support as overwhelming. About 90 of the black population voted for George Wallace in the 1982 election. I will contend, however, that this level of support is not surprising if one understands the history of black Political Behavior in this country. Let me begin by starting out at the beginning of George Wallaces political career. Of course, he went to the university of alabama. He ran for Political Office there in the sga. Eventually he ran for the state legislature. He won. He was in office from 1947 to 1953. As i previously stated, he was known as a very liberal legislator. Some people would say hes a socialist. He had a progressive agenda. Some of his policy positions included support for trade schools, community colleges, and he also supported manufacturing jobs moving to the state of alabama. One thing thats important to remember and think about in the context of these policy positions of George Wallace is very similar to someone who is very famous in the black community, that is booker t. Washington. In order to understand the link between George Wallace, his policy positions and the support for the black community that came later, you must also understand who booker t. Washington was. He was an accommodationist, as some would call him. Some say he was an uncle tom. The reason they say that is because in 1985 he made an address called the atlanta compromise. In this particular speech, he stated that in all things that are purely social, we can be as separate as the fingers yet one as the hand and all things essential to mutual progress. So in essence, what booker t. Washington was saying was that it was okay for blacks and whites to live separate. It was completely okay. As long as we came together to progress human society, it was okay for us to live separate. As i previously stated, booker t. Washington was described as a an accommodationist to some and also uncle tom. He was one of the first africanamericans actually invited to the white house to have a meal with the sitting president. And to understand the connection between wallace and the black community, wallace was very supportive of trade schools and community college. So theres a link there between wallace and the black community, even as early as his legislative career. Although these positions were not overtly in support of the black agenda, they were indirectly supportive of improving black life in america, similar to the new deal and frederick roosevelt, im sorry. Later in his time in office, he actually supported governor jim folsom, who was pretty liberal. He was supportive of poor people, whether they were black or white. And George Wallace also supported jim folsom. Although he didnt come out and support what am i trying to say . Although he didnt support directly enfranchising the black community, he did support a candidate who did that. By 1949 George Wallace was appointed to the board of trustees at tuskegee institute, which is a historically black college. Again, you see the link here between George Wallace the black community and booker t. Washington. Booker t. Washington was the leader of tuskegee institute. It was founded by booker t. Washington, and wallace had a very productive career on the board of trustees at a historically black college. One would say how could a segregationist who started out his career at a historically black college on the board of trustees end up where George Wallace was at the schoolhouse door at the university of alabama . He went on to be a state judge in 1953. In this particular campaign he ran against the wealthy opponent, preston clayton. Again, running as a judge, he was a populist. He encouraged military officers to vote for his opponent, but he encouraged privates in the military to vote for him. So this is evidence of him supporting the regular person, the common man, in this particular campaign for judge. By 1954, he supported jim folsom for governor. He was actually the director of his Southern Campaign in southern alabama. Although he would eventually disagree with some of folsoms positions. By 1958 he ran for governor. And this was the election i was saying was the turning point in wallaces philosophy. In this particular election, he ran as a liberal, because he was considered a liberal, a socialist, actually, he wanted to help the poor. He was a progressive. He was for the underdog. He ran against John Patterson, who was one of the candidates who had ties to the kkk. John patterson actually had funding from the kkk in this particular election. He was obviously a segregationist. He was against integration. George wallace actually spoke out against patterson receiving support from the kkk. He also refused funding from the kkk. Eventually his refusal of support from the kkk ended up getting him an endorsement from the naacp. One has to understand that during that particular time, the naacp had been banned in the state of alabama. And his opponent, John Patterson, was the one who was responsible for taking that case to court and banning the naacp. So here you have a guy, John Patterson, who fought against the naacp, actually working in the state of alabama, versus George Wallace who spoke out against the kkk and who refused to receive funding from the kkk. Of course we all know that George Wallace lost that election by a landslide. Over 60,000 votes separated him and patterson. This was the turning point in his career. As one of my panelists previously stated, it was in this election afterwards that George Wallace stated that he would not be out in work again. So during the course of that year after he lost the election, he developed a strategy to use race and segregation to his to his to his advantage. He also, in using race and segregation to his advantage, i would say manipulated middle class white voters who were somewhat disaffected from what was going on in american politics at the time. So if you fast forward to 1962, of course, after he developed, some would call that a southern strategy or the wallace strategy. He won the election in 1962. He won the election, he made promises to keep segregation in alabama no matter what. Now whats interesting about this is that when i did research and looked at wallaces history, i couldnt find where early in his career he was an adamant segregationist. Obviously, the loss of this election in 1958 kind of contributed to him changing his political philosophy. And so in he lost the 1958. In 1959 he went back to his judgeship and he actually made a stand against the federal government as early as 1959 while he was a judge. In this particular year, the federal government had requested some documents for the county about voting records, and he refused to give them the records he even stated that anybody who would turn over the records, he would hold them in contempt. So this is like the beginning of his segregationist stand. Then in 1962 he won the election and he used race as a way to win the election in 1962. He appealed to middle class whites. Some would say his appeal was populist. He was working for the common man. However, i would say that he had a political purpose in mind. It was political manipulation. And the pursuit of power. He used middle class whites to get power. He used segregation, racism, White Supremacy, to get power. He was elected to governor by a landslide in 1962. Now, in 1962, we all know the famous words of his speech. Segregation now, segregation today, segregation forever. His speech was written by a gentleman who turned into a novelist by the name of forest carter. He is credited with writing that famous speech and those famous words for George Wallace. Now some of the responses from the black community about George Wallaces speech that year was that they say to hear the governor of a state get up and make the kind of comments that you would expect someone in a back alley with their sheets on and burning crosses would make. That was the thing that really caught us. Our representative, john lewis, stated, my governor, this elected official, was saying in effect, you are not welcome, you are not welcome, in reference to blacks. Our words can be powerful and they can be very dangerous. I would contend that even though George Wallace never pulled a trigger, he never set fire to a church, he perpetuated that by his language and his rhetoric. He gave people the ammunition they needed to go out and commit those violent acts. Some of the other things he did, he of course used the state patrol to his advantage and of course we talked about previously in 1963 he made the famous stand in the School House Door at the university of alabama. Now what is really interesting about wallace and his life is that two of the major events where he made a stand against the federal government, they were orchestrated. He had had conversations with the federal government behind the scenes and they allowed him to make those stands. So even though the federal government thought they were just giving this southern governor a little bit of power, made him look good. What actually happened was that he manipulated white voters into making them think he was actually a segregationist and a very adamant segregationist. But again, in looking at his life and some of his policies, one would have to wonder, was he really a segregationist . I dont know. I dont know his heart. But if you look at his policies, you wonder that. Of course we talked about later that year in 19636 we had all of the acts of violence in birmingham, medgar evers was shot and murdered and dr. Martin luther king made the speech in washington. By 1964 wallace entered the president ial race, and in this particular election he had a national audience. What do you call the people who or who supported wallace during these president ial campaigns wall also democrats, and they eventually became reagan democrats. So this flight from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party can be attributed to George Wallace and his campaigns. By 1965 wallace was still in office and some of the policies that came out of his time in office as governor included increased salaries for teachers, he also supported increased education spending, spending on public health, good roads, and all of these were things that indirectly impacted and affected the black community. He also supported higher education, and he established numerous technical and trade schools. If you remember, that was the connection between him and booker t. Washington and, thus, the black community. By 1968 he ran another campaign, and these are pictures of some of the campaign paraphernalia. His slogan was stand up for america. Again, he appealed to the common man, disaffected whites, who were afraid of the black community integrating with them. One of the things thats really important to keep in mind about wallace in the context of american politics is he began the use of what we would call code words in american politics. These are words that politicians use to rearticulate representations of racial differences in nonracial terms. Some the code words we hear in american Politics Today, particularly among conservatives, are when an candidate is tough on crime. A states rights argument. We support the state having more power than the federal government. The federal government is taking away power from the states. Antibussing during the time. Law and order. Crime and punishment. Urban crime. Voting blocks. And the protection of property rights. So i would attribute wallace with the beginning of the use of code words in american politics which still exists today. The next time we have an election, you ought to Pay Attention to how many times candidates actually use those terms. By 1970 he ran for governor again and won against albert brewer. He used race to his advantage. And by 1971 he made somewhat of a change. He was remarried. She refined his image, and he actually stated to reporters that he never believed in segregation. So here you have this man who started out as a populist, would be described as a socialist, would be described as a socialist, with a liberal agenda, who supported the common working man, turned into a segregationist because he lost an election. And then by 1971, saying hes not a segregationist. Now, again, an evaluation of the policies from this term in governor. He established the officer of consumer protection. He increased unemployment compensation. Now this doesnt necessarily sound like a conservative politician and the things he did while in office. So by 1972 he is on the campaign trail again for president. This is a picture of him five minutes before the assassination attempt. Which eventually led him to be in a wheelchair for the remainder of his life. Now, again, he renounces racism completely after the assassination attempt. Ran for governor again in 1974 by opposing the federal government. He also in this term in office distributed political favors to blacks. He received about 25 of the black vote in this particular election. And then by 1979 another turning point in his career reported as having called representative john lewis to offer an apology. John lewis went and met with him and he asked for forgiveness. And, of course, he went around to black churches asking for forgiveness. And by 1982, he ran, and he received, about 90 of the black vote. Now, this is the election that political scientists, historians, commentators like to talk about. So how could this man who stood in the schoolhouse door at the university of alabama, also said segregation forever. How could he receive 90 of black support in an election . That just seems unrealistic. Right . Now for some people who dont study american politics, dont study black voting behavior, this is really shocking, surprising, how could black people vote for this man. But i would intend his level of support is not really surprising considering the record or history of black partisanship in this country. I have a demonstration here of black partisanship over time. We started collecting this data in 1972 as the American National election study. It goes all the way to 2008. There is a major gap here. At the top is percentage of africanamericans that identify with the Democratic Party. And then at the bottom, you see the percentage of blacks that actually identify with the Republican Party. And the number of black people who say they are democrat, it never drops to the point where its going to actually impact somebody who is running in senator state wide election like George Wallace. So i would contend that this 90 of vote that black people gave George Wallace in 1992 is not really a surprising thing. In fact, i would say it is the lesser of two evils. And if you compare what william clay said, that black people have no permanent friends, and no permanent enemies, just permanent interest, you can understand how George Wallace ended up with 90 of the black vote. 1982 election. On the next chart that i have here is just a demonstration of black president ial vote choice over time. Again, its echoing the same type of information. It gives you an indication that black people are overwhelmingly democrat in this country. So again, not really surprising that in 1982 you have a candidate whos running as a democrat who had somewhat of a liberal agenda until he made the decision to become a segregationist to get 90 of the black vote. Now one of the things people people failed to talk about in this 1982 election is also who the opponent was. And that mans name was emery fulmer, former mayor of the city of montgomery. Republican. Not just a, but a conservative republican. So again, if you think about this is the context of blacks voting 90 . Not really like the blacks have an option in this particular election. Mr. Fulmer here was former mayor of the city of montgomery. Also on the city council in the city of montgomery. He is known or he has been described as a racist, a bigot. He took office after the mayor the former mayor, james robinson, was forced to resign over a racial incident. Now thinks about james robinson, recall former mayor of montgomery. He was the mayor that actually changed the type of government that the city of montgomery had from an atlarge commission to a ninemember council that was based on districts. It was his time in office that actually ushered in black representation in the city of montgomery. So black people in montgomery went from having a friend somewhat in the mayors seat to mr. Fulmer. There was some evidence that mr. Fulmer was hostile to black interests. There is a situation in the city of montgomery where they received federal funds, and mr. Fulmer, instead of sending that money to black residents who had to use outdoor toilets, he gave money to his wealthy district for golf, recreational singers. There are other situations where mr. Fulmer was very hostile to black interests. So again, not really surprising in 1982 for the black community to have given that level of support for George Wallace. No really other options. No real other options in this particular election. And so eventually you have George Wallace making his rounds to black churches, to other black famous people asking for forgiveness. And then, lastly, a picture of him at the 30th anniversary of bloody sunday. And he was actually responsible for the violence that was perpetuated there. The state troopers under his direction. So if you look at whether or not the black community actually forgave George Wallace for what he did, one black person worked with the naacp stated, i forgive him but i do not forget. And it begs the question of whether or not George Wallace was a segregationist at all. Or did he merely use race segregation to his advantage to gain political power . No one will ever know because we dont know his heart, but what we do know is that he attempted to get forgiveness for the wrongs that he had done. Thank you. [ applause ] you know, i have to admit, i voted for emory fulmer for governor. It was the first time i voted in a Gubernatorial Election and i wanted to be able to say i never voted for George Wallace. At this point were going to entertain some questions submitted by the audience. Im going to take the host prerogative and ask the first question myself. Following up, especially with dr. Lewis comments, but i hope all three panelists will weigh in on this. As one of the most discussed aspects of wallaces story and wallaces legacy is his quest for redemption. People ask me about it all the time and theres always the question, was he a racist . Was he an opportunist . Was he a reformed racist . You know, what was George Wallace . You make the good point, we wont ever know exactly what George Wallace was. But i wonder, the three of you, why do you think this quest for redemption resonates with so Many Americans . Well, a part of the evangelical belief system is in forgiveness, and there is a large segment of the American Population who are evangelicals. And so to have someone who seemed genuine in asking for forgiveness as an evangelical, you have no other option but to forgive. If you are, if you believe in jesus christ and you believe in the power of forgiveness when someone asks for forgiveness, you have to forgive. And so i dont know any other option there is for an evangelical christian if someone asks for forgiveness. Dr. Carter or dr. Escu, what about others . Other than evangelicals . There are people who of course never, ever quite came to terms of the notion of forgiving George Wallace. I once met friends of montgomery around the dinner table. I called them supporters there because i did research in the archives and i had just interviewed john lewis and he described that fateful meeting in which George Wallace had wept and pleaded for forgiveness, and as he said, treated me as his priest, in which he wanted absolution. And George Wallace said, of course i forgave him. And i was telling this story to all of my friends, and there wasnt a dry eye around the table with one exception. And i dont know if you knew virginia derr or not who was then 90. She couldnt hear real well but she was listening. She said, dan carter, you are the biggest fool ive ever known in my life. George wallace wants to get to hell, and hes cutting one more political deal. [ laughter ] i dont know if i necessarily agree with that. I think that points to wallaces ambition once he set his sights on something, he would stop at nothing to gain it. So virginia was probably right. The issue resonates, though, i think so much with the public because its hard to square that kind of a wallace, a more open and tolerant wallace, with the wallace at the schoolhouse door, the wallace fueling race hatred in birmingham. And thats the legacy people recall and thats the burden he left the state. This question from the audience is specifically for dr. Escu. In your book, you mentioned two white individuals in birmingham who publicly opposed George Wallace. There are other white people on the issue of School Integration in august and september of 63. Thats a great question, very detailed, too. Perhaps i have to shake the cobwebs out of my head to see if i can recall. I probably cant give you exact names, but there were a number of people who in the summer of 63 to the buildup of School Desegregation were critical of the governor in the birmingham news asking that the tenor be brought down out of support for the idea of School Desegregation. And there was recognition that the city had undergone huge turmoil in the spring and was experiencing a transition. And that the governor was making the situation very dangerous. So i would simply have to answer it in a less specific way rather than names. You may know some. I think there were, in fact, a good many people. The problem was it was suicide to speak out publicly. I mean, even someone like chuck morgan, who as many of you know in the aftermath of the 16th street bombing, spoke to the Birmingham Businessmans club and angrily indicted the city and shamed himself. He said, i remained publicly silent. Many of my friends did, even though we knew this was the wrong course to take. And it was because it was, it was suicide not only in terms of being killed, but in terms of your business, your profession or whatever if you spoke out. And very shortly thereafter chuck morgan had to leave birmingham. He was fired. So there were people, but the answer is, you didnt hear much from them. I remember, i mustve been about 6 years old, when i was taken to a George Wallace rally, and the thing i remember being a small child in this big crowd, it was on the front lawn of the county courthouse, and wallace came out and climbed up onto a flatbed truck and started speaking. And my most vivid memory as a child is the absolute frenzy of the crowd. You know, he with these adults around me, you could just feel the energy. And as a kid, it was kind of a scary thing to see adults just sort of lose it like that all around. And so there was that wallace. They talk about the George Wallace of code words and coded politics. I find that students are often surprised when they encounter white supremacist rhetoric from the late 19th century or early 20th century because they were so open and honest about what they were trying to do. What if you would just talk a bit about when you look at politics in recent years, especially since the election of president obama, where do you see the legacy of George Wallace in the in the tea party and racial politics of now . Thats another book. Well, i mean, obviously, the use of these code words. The whole idea of the federal government encroaching upon the powers of state and local governments, the birther movement. The accusations that president obama is not a citizen or that he is a muslim. These are all ways that the tea party has indirectly invoked race into american Politics Today without actually saying they are racist. If you just look at some candidates and how they run office and if you remember dukakis not being tough on crime, i mean, these are all code words that candidates use that are that is a way to invoke this whole idea that the Civil Rights Movement, the struggles for equality for all groups in this country has gone too far, so we need to reel it back in. Particularly the whole argument about the federal government being too strong and this states need to take the authority and take back power. That is a major argument thats used now in politics that you see all the time. Dr. Carter . The problem with i certainly agree with angela. No one was better able to talk about race without ever especially in 1963 and 64 when governor wallace went on the road lecturing, he never talked about the Civil Rights Act of 1964, taking away your right to sell only to white people. He was telling you that you had to sell to somebody whether they had green teeth he had this long list of other characteristics. That was everybody knew he was talking about race. The problem with code words. It is what makes it so frustrating i think for many people. I absolutely believe that lots of politicians use coded language. Some of it is pretty nasty. But the difficulty comes when there are many issues on which there may be legitimate areas of disagreement, even though theyre not just racial. You may be against bussing because you dont want your children to go to school with white with black children. Youre white. You may also be a black parent who says i dont want my child to be bussed out of this neighborhood and go someplace else. And you can go down welfare is a perfect example. I think that is welfare and crime are two areas that i would argue that its most egregious. We know from a whole series of surveys that were done in the 1990s and early after 2000 that white americans overwhelmingly overestimate the percentage of africanamericans who are receiving welfare. Time and time again. The percentage of africanamericans who receive some form of public assistance, which is means tested in the united states, is actually less than the percentage that are in poverty. But when you ask americans, theyll assume threefourths, twothirds of recipients of welfare are black, and theyre not. So when you talk about welfare, politicians are aware that if you harangue voters about welfare, you dont have to say black. Its already in peoples minds. Its like a command whistle to a dog. That dog may not understand what youre saying but he knows what that whistle means. I think thats often true of those those examples. But it is different i think to say what is exactly race and what is not. Thats what makes it hard. Defining politics in racial terms is certainly something we have seen a fair amount of in recent years. Using coded language, as you describe, angela. But i wonder if the power of that argument isnt on the wane and what we are experience something a real crisis in american politics. After all, president obama represents in many ways the new america, not the old. And the hostile politics that we find is a reflection of a political system that is trying to prevent change in relationship to the emerging new electorate. What is the estimate . In 2040 the majority wont be the white minority. What is emerging is a new politics all together and it is why i think the tea party or the Republican Party is in its own kind of crisis over recognition the political structure is changing and they have to appeal to different electorates. We have a final question. This is an interesting one. Would any of you like to compare wallace and Strom Thurmond in terms of their stories . Seeking redemption . Yeah, sure. I will a ill make a stap at the beginning. I want to raise the question why didnt wallace vote the Democratic Party. As we evaluate him and his legacy, thats one that i think should be considered. After all, there were people who expressed similar racial views as wallace who left the Democratic Party and ultimately joined the Republican Party. What wallace did instead was remain a yellow dog democrat. He refused to leave the party in 1948. He remains a democrat until he ultimately does vote. But he votes for a third party. The american party. But he votes for a third party. The american party. And then in the end he comes back in to the fold of the Democratic Party. And so that raises a very interesting comparison with strom, who of course believed the Democratic Party and becoming a republican. I think senator thurmond was better at standing on his head for life magazine photographs. Who had the most wives . Wallace, with three. I think a lot of this, all the way through, has to do with times. You know, Strom Thurmond is a creature of the 1940s and 50s. And he was pretty much type cast in a way that wallace was also, but managed to break out of it a little bit. The other thing i would say is, actually and i base this on my student in a class that did a biography on it. Actually, senator thurmond never apologized. He just kind of engaged in what i call the great white southern past time. Its called amnesia. Forget about it. It happened. That was yesterday. Today is today and lets remember what we want to about the past. Can you find the words . Im going to leave that one alone. I dont blame you. Lets thank our panel again. I thank all of you for coming tonight. Drive safely. Good evening. This month, introducing you to programs you could see every weekend on cspan 3 including lectures, history, visits to College Classrooms across the country. To hear lectures by top history professors, american artifacts takes a look at the treasures at museums, sites, and archives. Real america. Revealing through archival films. And the u. S. President s and first ladies, to learn about their politics, policies, and legacies. All this month in primetime and every weekend on American History tv on cspan3. And now the contenders, our key political figures but who changed political history. Next, we feature former governor of alabama and fourtime president ial candidate, George Wallace. This was recorded at the Governors Mansion in montgomery, alabama. Two hours. This is American History tv only on cspan3. You go first. Good evening, and welcome to the contenders. We come to you live from the governor of the mansion in montgomery, alabama, wartime political candidate George Wallace. Elected governor of alabama good evening. And welcome to the contenders. Tonight we come to you live from the Governors Mansion in montgomery, alabama, as we look at the life and times of fourtime president ial candidate George Wallace. Elected four times as governor of alabama, George Wallace called this house behind us home for 20 of his life. Now, before we begin our conversation on George Wallace and his legacy and introduce you to our guest, heres a look at his political style. I said if you cant distinguish at harvard between honest dissent and overt acts of treason, then you ought to come on down to alabama and well teach you some law down on that. Yall dont know. [ applause ] both National Parties in the last number of years that kowtowed to every group of anarchists that have roamed the streets of San Francisco and los angeles and throughout the country. And now theyve created themselves a frankenstein monster and them chickens are coming home to roost all over this country