Sociologist, William Julius wilson. Discuss race in america and what and residential segregation. The effects of Donald Trumps presidency on race relations. Stanford university, this is about an hour. Theres no way to introduce given hisnctly incredible accomplishments and undisputed status as one of the leadly public intellectuals. We can use more like bill. I will take you to the cloning well. E as i will catch here from biography and lengthy that communication director me. E for it was hardly a brief. If i used all the info he i would be speaking longer than the minutes assigned to bill himself. I cut down considerably. A 56page cv. Anythingpacked with trivial. Ill come back to his contributions. His title fromth honors. His titles and sociologist William Julius wilson a University Professor at harvard university. Time of his appointment in 1995, National Media covered harvards dream africanamerican intellectuals. Bill when he was at the university of chicago in a major force there as hes been everywhere. I was slightly younger scholar incredibly supportive as he is. Hes a mentor of renowned. His teaching and Research Career in 1965 at the massachusetts amherst. Shortly before completing his in Sociology Graduate Program at Washington State university. Which is a Major Program at that time. Hes the recipient of 46 honorary degrees. Past president the american sociology association, member of the National Academy sciences, science,academy of american philosophical society, academy of education, British Academy and hes also of the National Medal of science. Scientific honor bestowed in the United States. Who among us certainly i dont know anybody in this room, been. Ed that you have who among us has been named most times magazine influential people in the United States other than bill who was in 1996. Bill published three widely read some controversial but never seminal works of scholarships on of race andmensions class and the urban core. The declining significance of truly disadvantaged and when work disappear. I would add even though it quite reached that pinnacle yet, more than just race. That list. To thats his most recent one. His work challenges liberal orthodoxy about causes permanent structure of underclass in u. S. Society as as conservative views that attribute to state poverty on welfare. He has helped shape academic discourse and Public Policy debate. Requirements of the prize. Appeared frequently on television, testified before numerous congressional committees. Etcetera. Hes been advisors to mayors, to peoplents and to lots of in the political space. Notably it is documented that wilsons book truly of thentaged influence philosophy in politics of the activist barack obama. Clinton told times magazine wilsons makes made me see a differenterty in light. That i at least hadnt known before. Disadvantaged inspired mump the writing that went into then two of the series, wire. Influenceas a major on j. D. Vance and hillbilly. Beyond politics and academics. The truly disadvantaged, the city, underclass and Public Policy examine the flip prosperity. Ng black inner city blacks with poor training and limited education rising unemployment and welfare enrollment and shrinking getting out of. Overty it was largely written here. It even moree like one of the reasons im emphasizing it among his many books. Ill admit some of his other important. Ust as i still use all of them. The truly advantaged remains very relevant today. As i think bill will probably agrees regrettably so. The book,edition of published in 2012, he m describes how the conditions are different. Responses tons on the First Edition of book new 60 page afterword. That is a significant scholarly in itself. N is a very senior scholar a saying hes over 80. He is still going strong and his coming. Tions keep in october 2016, Harvard Center for africanamerican and africanamerican research, received a 10 million grant its name sake foundation. The Research Project that will fund is a longitudinal graphic he big data study of what calls multidimensional inequality. The neighborhood subjected to racial and economic hardships. Livesl dig deep into the of poor residents, to better understand the interconnecting perpetuatess that poverty. The ultimate goal is to collect data to generate insights that will influence Public Policy. Harvard gazette in march 2016, wilson said heres my problem. Do i fight pessimism. I fight it all the time. Eventually well come around to our problems. Is that pessimism going . Its been a tough day. About to find out. 2017s and gentlemen our award winner, William Julius wilson. [applause] quite anas introduction. Real honor to a center and deliver this lecture. Especially pleased as sarah is in the audience. Frustrating period in our history. I thought that it would be good to take this opportunity to the issuessome of thatding race in america mind. Ry much on my in november shortly before the president ial election, i received an email from my harvard colleague, henry louis jr. S he was also a member of the studies inadvanced behavorial sciences. Me an email and he said a code to the do series, black america after mlk board of optimisticme if i was or pessimistic about the future of our people. A said that he actually heard guy on anderson coopers cnn news worst timeis is the people. Ry of our gates added this is not true. But that he would love to get my thoughts about this. Completely agree. That it cant be true. Worsty who says this is time in history of africanamericans, does not have of history. In general, nothing today compares with slavery or jim segregation. However, i also pointed out that it would be accurate to say that of Martin Luther king jr. Conditions for poor deteriorated while the conditions of better off improved. E indeed the is most clearly seen in inequality in the. Lack community is most clearly seen in the income inequality in the reflected inty as a majornie coefficient rangesme inequality that from zero perfect equality to inequality. This figure discloses the increasing Household Income americany across the population as a whole. Of 0. 39 in a low to 0. 48 in 2013. Line. The blue more interesting, however, is a of intragroup inequality among black households. See the green line. Although the absolute level of black income is well below that whites. Blacksompson, of 0. 49 in 2013 followed whites 0. 47 and hispanics and 0. 45. W. One of the most changes since dr. Kings passing is a gains in income among affluent blacks. When adjusted for inflation for 2014. The percentage of black americans making at least than doubled from 2014 to 21 . Those making 100,000 or more nearly quadruple to 13 years. A lessmericans saw impressive increase from 11 to 26 . Ver reveals inequality to income segregation. This next figure presents income race andation by metropolitan areas with populations of more than 500,000. Ae source for this figure is 2014 study by the sociologist Kendra Bishop published by the foundation. E this figure reveals that income segregation has grown rapidly in the last decade and particularly among black and hispanic families. What is notable is that whereas americans in 1970, thats there, it is right . Little color a blindness. Whereas black americans in 1970, in 1970 recorded segregationcome follow the purple line. Highest register the income segregation. Talkingote that we are here about residential familieson among black of different income levels. Not segregation between black white families. Another way of talking about lines is that they describe the extent to which the of families to neighbors are of the same race changed over time. Although income segregation among black families grew 1970s andy in the 1980s, it grew even more rapidly from 2000 to 2009 after slightly declining in the 1990s considering a persons life trajectory or life chances the in the quality of one daily life between residing a predominantly affluent neighborhood and poor black neighborhood are huge. It is important to note that today, poor black families have class, fewer black theye class neighbors than had in 1970. Rising income segregation from the black community is driven both by the of affluent blacks and deteriorating conditions of boor blacks which i will soon discuss. This data update the earlier arguments that are developed in book, the declining race. Cance of it remind me of a recent book by critical scientists entitled our in crisiscan dream published in 2015. Putnam, although racial barriers remains powerful, they represent less burdensome impediment than they the 1950s. Barriers in class America Today much larger than back then. This is reflected not only in growing income inequality among groups as and ethnic you see here, but also disparities in many being. Spects of well eye cumulated wealth. Class segregation across neighborhoods. Quality primary and secondary education. Enrollment in highing selective even lifend expectancy. One of the major underlying theme of declining significance changing relative significance of race and class persons life trajectory has been extended to u. S. Racial and ethnic putnams book. I wish i could share these trump. With donald these figures on changes in the structure with donald trump month who tends to talk about africanamericans are a monolithic that madeged group little progress. He has quoted saying, that black communities are in the worse shape ever. There is absolutely no good news to talk about in the black community. I mentioned trump, i tensionsy that racial and the expression of racial antagonism seem to have increased after he decided to run for the presidency. Theh is probably one of reasons why the guy on cnn that this is a worst time in the history of africanamericans. This spite this spike in tensions should not come as a big surprise. We must understand that racial antagonism are products of situations. Political situations. Economic situations, social situations. Average citizens do not fully forcesand the complex that have increased, for example, their economic woes. Declines in real family income. And wage dispersion. Global economy, industry relocation and so on. Economic insecurity create are breedingitions that grounds for racial and ethnic tensions. Right wing messages were more controllingth blacks than immigrants. Whereas donald trump and his supporters highlighted the immigrants andof their threat to american in myy, i pointed out 1996 book that supporters of on the political right, implicitly communicated blacks weret undeserving of special treatment from but let me get back to what i was saying about the good news and the bad news in the black community. In order to keep things in proper perspective when talking about the relative gains of more privileged blacks, it is important not to overlook the continuing into racial disparities. For example, report from the center for economic and policy Research Reveals that before the Great Recession there was only a 1. 4 difference in the unemployment gap between recent black and White College graduates, age 22 to 27. However, in 2013, shortly after the economic downturn, the gap had surged to a 7. 5 difference. Now, race is obviously a factor at play here because historically the periods immediately after downturns have adversely impacted blacks other than whites, and the issues involving these comparisons are complex. Aside from the role of Racial Discrimination, whites with the same amount of schooling as blacks usually attended better high schools and colleges, and, therefore, have an edge when employers rely on such criteria, especially during slack labor markets, that is, periods of higher unemployment. Also researchers at the Pew Research Center released data showing the median financial wealth of white households in 2013 exceeded that of black households by almost 131,000. So despite sharp increases in income inequality and income segregation blacks, the interracial disparities among blacks and whites remain huge and should always be kept in mind when discussing and highlighting growing intraracial differences. That said, and i repeat, the conditions of poor blacks have degenerated overall since the death of Martin Luther king jr. , while those of betteroff blacks have improved, a blanket statement that things are worse now than ever before is totally unwarranted. But skip gates asked me, also asked me if i am optimistic or pessimistic about the future of our people. So let me say that i am somewhat optimistic about the future of trained and educated blacks, and, margaret, very pessimistic about the future of poorly educated blacks. And before i elaborate on why i am pessimistic about the conditions of poor blacks, let me partly qualify my optimism about the future of trained and educated blacks. And in so doing, i want to talk very briefly about the importance and continued need for affirmative action programs. Research suggests that the white backlash against racial entitlements such as affirmative action contributed to the governments retreat from antidiscrimination policies during the 1980s. And many of the gains that trained and educated blacks contained in the 1970s were erased during the years of the reagan administration. Now, it should not be surprising that waning support for affirmative action programs would have an adverse effect on africanamericans in particular. For example, a number of empirical studies have revealed significant differences in the family background and neighborhood environment of blacks and whites that are understated when standard measures of socioeconomic status is upon. Family background. Even when white parents and black parents report the same average income, white parents have substantially more assets than do black parents. And as i pointed out previously, whites with the same amount of schooling as blacks usually attend better high schools and colleges. Furthermore, childrens test scores are associated not only with the socioeconomic status of their parents, but they are also affected by the social and economic status of their grandparents. This means that it could take several generations before adjustments in socioeconomic inequality produced their full benefits. Thus, if we were to rely solely on the standard criteria for College Admission in highly selective colleges and universities, like sat scores, even many children from black middleincome families would be denied admission in favor of middleincome whites who are not weighed down by disadvantages and who tend to score higher on these conventional tests. For all these reasons, the success of younger educated blacks remains dependent on affirmative action by where more excellent meritbased criteria of evaluation are used to gauge potential to succeed. Now, implicit in this argument notice that i said flexible meritbased criteria of evaluation implicit in this argument is the view that the remedy does not have to consist of numerical guidelines and quotas. The remedy can be a different set of criteria, a different set of evaluation criteria, new, more flexible, yet meritbased criteria that are more accurate than the conventional tests, engaging the actual potential of black americans to succeed that captured such important attributes as perseverance, motivation, interpersonal skills, reliability and leadership qualities. So the policy implications are obvious. Racespecific policies like affirmative action will be required for the foreseeable future to continue the mobility of educated blacks. But affirmative action programs are not really designed to address the problems of the most disadvantaged and poorest people of color, including those who live in impoverished innercity ghettos. Because of time constraints, let me focus on just a few things that make me pessimistic about the future of poor blacks, beginning with their education in public schools. Now research by the sociologist sean riordan and others reveals schools with high proportions of black students or hispanic students typically have to have high proportions of poor students. Although this finding suggests a Strong Association between residential segregation and achievement gaps, the key to mention driving this association is a proportion of students classmates who are poor. Indeed, a schools poverty rate could be a proxy for general school quality. Schools with high poverty rates may have fewer resources overall, and we definitely need more research to help explain the impact of concentrated poverty in urban public schools, and there are a number of factors to take into account. First of all, such schools may experience greater difficulty in attracting and retaining competent or skilled teachers. Also the parents of students in the schools generally have fewer resources Cultural Capital and Human Capital that would be beneficial to their children fell academic achievement. This means schools with a higher percentage of poor students to do have a higher percentage of low performing students, which may result in the school offering less advanced curricula. In other words, it may have an adverse impact on learning by altering the structural and social processes in the classroom. Moreover, a recent study by one of my colleagues, and i am quoting from the study, shows that residing in a severely disadvantaged neighborhood, cumulatively impedes the residing in a severely disadvantaged neighborhood cumulatively impedes the verbal ability of young children, which impedes school performance. Plus, students from disadvantaged backgrounds are less likely to see a Strong Association between schooling and post school employment, and finally, you know, we have to factor in other conditions that are not usually associated with school performance. But Research Suggests these factors are important. I have in mind, for example, the impact of lead contamination on poor children. Who live in dilapidated buildings on school performance. The effect of home evictions on Childrens School performance. My harvard colleague matt desmond talks about that. The impact of the psychological trauma of witnessing a killing in your neighborhood on school performance. And when you consider these combined factors, is very difficult to deny the proposition that residential segregation and School Association contribute to the achievement gap. What is not clear, how they are interrelated and relative importance. Since students tend to attend schools relatively close to home, segregation is a major factor shaping patterns of school segregation. But we should carefully distinguish between two types of segregation we have set up. Racial segregation and income segregation. Those kinds of segregation in combination that are associated with poor performing schools. And this reminds me of the research of one of my former students at the university of Southern California. The sociologist anne owens. In a 2016 sociological american sociological review article, income segregation of households with and without children, owens reexamines the longitudinal data here on income segregation and her results revealed that families with children had a much higher level of income segregation than childless couples. And she hypothesizes this is because families with children tend to seek out neighborhoods with the best schools. And i think this hypothesis really applies to higher income families within the black community as they try to escape neighborhoods with the poorest schools, neighborhoods in which poor blacks suffer the combination of income segregation and racial segregation. Now, let me focus for a moment on such neighborhoods to provide Additional Information on why i am increasingly pessimistic about the future of poor blacks. Some of you are probably familiar with the story of the great migration of africanamericans to northern cities in the first half of the 20th century. Which seemed to offer a Brighter Future away from the jim crow segregation itself. Well, the great migration did improve the quality of life for many africanamericans, as reflected in the growth of working and middleclass families, as well as the significant reduction of poverty overall. But the great migration ended in 1970. Because industries in the central cities, the major factor attracting blacks, and poor black neighborhoods, particularly those in the northeast and midwest change from densely packed areas that had constantly seen the arrival of new migrants from the south to areas that gradually experienced depopulation. And this depopulation was caused by two developments that occurred simultaneously. The gradual migration of higher income blacks, a significant change i highlighted in my 1987 book the truly disadvantaged and the secession of black migration from the south, which meant the ranks of the higher income migrants were no longer being replenished with poor migrants flowing in. And i might add that these depopulated black neighborhoods stand in sharp contrast to the densely populated hispanic neighborhoods. Which continue to experience in migration. And two of the marks or symbols of these depopulated areas are abandoned buildings and vacant lots, brilliantly depicted in david simons hbo show the wire, that margaret mentioned. By the way, when simon told me my book was an influence in writing season two, man, i was Walking Around campus with a swagger. [laughter] prof. Wilson these depopulated areas also feature high rates of joblessness, and the increasing and prolonged joblessness, the diminishing poor families make it difficult to sustain adequate levels of neighborhood social organization. This results in what sociologists call a weak institutional Resource Base. You see, its easier for parents to control the behavior of the children in their neighborhoods when a strong institutional Resource Base exists. That is when the links between Community Organizations such as churches, schools, political organizations, businesses, and civic clubs are strong or secure. The higher the density and stability of formal organizations, the less illicit activities such as drug trafficking, crime, prostitution, and the formation of gangs can take root in the neighborhood. The opposite is true in high jobless neighborhoods with low social organization. Parents and such neighborhoods have a much more difficult time controlling the behavior of their adolescents or preventing them from getting involved in activities detrimental to their social development, activities that spill over into the classroom and affect academic achievement. Now, i should also point out that some innercity neighborhoods are improving. Because of gentrification. There seems to be an increasing desire for many couples, especially younger, childless couples, to live in the central city as opposed to the suburbs. Long commutes to and from the suburbs are increasingly inconvenient, and many higherpaying and attractive jobs in Creative Industries and other growing sectors research, finance, and so on are available in a number of central city such as boston, new york, san francisco, and seattle. However, the cost of housing and rentals are increasing sharply in many of the cities and couples who are seeking modest cost accommodation are ready to relocate to innercity neighborhoods where redevelopment projects are underway. As these neighborhoods gentrify, resources improve, including the creation of Shopping Centers and Large Grocery stores. Moreover, as these neighborhoods become more desirable places to live, the cost of housing, taxes, and rental properties increase, which results in the displacement of many low income residents who can no longer afford to live there. Indeed, such developments have fueled the growth of suburban poverty. As low income families entering suburbs im talking about low income families respond to the rising cost of living in the city by relocating to peripheral areas young the urban corridors, areas that have seen rapid growth of concentrated poverty. Yet while suburban poverty is increasing, three quarters, 74 of high poverty neighborhoods and metro areas by high poverty, i mean neighborhoods with poverty rates of at least 40 74 of high poverty neighborhoods are located in big cities. Low income for who are able to remain in innercity neighborhoods that are gentrifying sometimes through rent subsidies or tax abatements definitely benefit from the improvements, but given the present political climate, i have no reason to feel that i have no reason to feel hopeful that other innercity neighborhoods, particularly those that continue to suffer depopulation, will improve in the future. Thus to repeat whereas the future of privileged blacks, like the members of other privileged groups, look relatively good, the overall future of poor blacks looks very bleak indeed. And nowhere is this more apparent than when you examine the plight of low skilled black males. The disproportionate number of low skilled black males in this country is one of the legacies of historic segregation and discrimination. However, aside from the effects of current discrimination, including those caused by employer bias, a number of economic forces have contributed to the incredibly low skill rate and correspondingly low incomes and these forces include changes in the relative demand for low Skilled Labor cost by the computer revolution, the globalization of economic activity. The the declining manufacturing center. There are limited skills and education that are concentrated. Given time constraints, i would like to focus on this last factor associated with low jobless rates, the gradual shift from manufacturing to service industries, and this shift, this shift has created a new set of problems for low skilled black males because those industries featured jobs that will require workers to serve and relate to consumers. And in the study we conducted in chicago in the early 1990s whose findings are still very relevant, Many Employers favored women and recent migrants of both genders who have come to populate the labor pool over black males for entrylevel service jobs. Consumers perceived innercity black males to be dangerous, threatening, in part because of their high incarceration rates. You see, in the past, africanamerican men simply had to add a strong back and muscles to be hired for physical labor at a factory, a construction site, or on an assembly line. They interacted with peers and foremen, not consumers. Now they have to search for work in the Service Sector where employers are not able to hire them because they are seen as lacking these soft skills that the jobs require. You know, the tendency to maintain eye contact, the ability to carry on polite and friendly conversations with consumers, the inclination to smile and be responsive to consumer requests, however demanding or unreasonable they may seem. Consequently, black male job seekers face rising risk of rejection and the combination of such attitudes combined with the physical and social aspects limit the access of poor black males to networks of people or acquaintances who can pass along information about employment prospects. And this is a notable problem for black males, especially considered that many low skilled employees first learned about their jobs through an acquaintance or were recommended by someone associated with the company. Research suggests that only a small percentage of low skilled employees are hired through an advertised job opening. Or cold calls. The importance of knowing someone who knows the boss is illustrated by this employers comments this employer stated all of a sudden, i take a look at a guy, and unless he has got an in, the reason i hired this black kid, my neighbor said, yeah, i used them for a few days. He is good. I said, you know what . I am going to take a chance. But it was a recommendation. But other than that, ive got a walk in, and who knows . I think the most part, a guy sees a black male and hes a bit hesitant. Such attitudes are classic examples of statistical discrimination. I prefer statistical discrimination instead of Racial Discrimination because the black employers in our samples also express a reluctance to hire innercity black males. Basically, the employers, with black and white make generalizations about innercity black male workers and reach decisions without reviewing the qualifications of an individual applicants. And that means that many applicants are never given the opportunity to prove themselves. Why is this such a problem for black males. Simply because employers believe women and recent immigrants of both genders are better suited than black males, especially those with prison records, for such jobs. These attitudes have been created by cultural shifts and attitudes that reflect concerns about the high rate of violence in the ghettos. In the eyes of many americans, black males symbolize of violence. And cries for law and order that resulted in a dramatic increase in black male incarceration. The incarceration rates are very much directed to their high jobless rates. It is a vicious cycle. Being without a job can encourage illegal moneymaking activities to make ends meet, which increases the risk of incarceration, and upon risk upon release from incarceration, a prison record carries a stigma in the eyes of employers and decreases the probability that an exit fender an exoffender will be rehired, resulting in the greater likelihood of more intractable joblessness, and forced to return to the lowwage sector, black males have to compete, often unsuccessfully, with a growing number of female and immigrant workers, and if these men complain or otherwise manifest dissatisfaction, they are seen as even more unattractive to employers and therefore encounter even greater discrimination when they search for employment. And because of the feeling that many innercity black males feel about their prospects, it is important to link these attitudes with the opportunity structure that is the spectrum of life chances available to them in society at large. This brings me to the subject of black lives matter. The black lives Matter Movement has dramatically called attention to Violent Police encounters with blacks, especially young black males who, given their very circumstances, are more likely to have confrontations with the police. Which reinforces the negative perceptions they have garnered. Aided by smartphones and social media, americans have become more aware of these incidences, which very likely have occurred at similar levels in previous decades, but were under the radar, so to speak. However, i think it would be good to expand the focus of the movement to include groups that are not usually referenced when we discuss black lives matter. And im referring to ordinary residents who are often innocent victims of criminal offenses in poor innercity neighborhoods and have called for more police protection, not less. And to repeat, these people are usually not referenced when we talk about black lives matter. And in this connection, i recall a conversation i had several decades ago with a mother who resided in one of the poor innercity neighborhoods on chicagos south side. Straight a stray bullet from a gang fight had killed her son, who was not a gang member. And she sadly lamented that his death was not reported in any of the chicago newspapers, not on tv, not on radio, not in electronic media. And i distinctly remember her saying, no one cared, mr. Wilson, that my son was killed. No one cared. As i pointed out previously, when income segregation is coupled with racial segregation, low income blacks cluster in neighborhoods that feature disadvantages along several dimensions, including exposure to Violent Crime. Take a look at this video. Which captures this graphically. In 1978, poor blacks aged 12 and over were only marginally more likely than affluent blacks to be Violent Crime victims. Roughly 45 and 38 per 1000 individuals respectively. However in 2008, poor blacks were far more likely to be Violent Crime victims about 75 per 1000 or affluent blacks were less likely to be victims of Violent Crime, about 23 per 1000. And Violent CrimeViolent Crime can reach extraordinary levels in the poorest innercity black neighborhoods. That is why david simons the wire was such an important show. Because he captured this violence. For example, in milwaukee, wisconsin, where 46 of africanamericans live in poor black neighborhoods, blacks are nearly 20 times more likely to be shot than a white person and nine times more likely to be murdered. Some people are reluctant to talk about the high murder rate in cities like milwaukee because, one, it might distract our attention from the sessions about Police Violence around blacks and it can provide criminal justice question about criminal Justice Reform efforts. But the author of the book ghetto side, published in 2014, asserts the relatively low priority placed on solving the high murder rate in poor innercity neighborhoods as reflected in the woefully inadequate resources provided to homicide detectives struggling to solve killings in those areas represents one of the great moral failings of our criminal Justice System and our society. Indeed, the thousands of poor, grieving africanamerican families whose loved ones have been killed 10 to be disregarded to be disregarded or ignored even by the media. And even though the nations consciousness has been aroused by the repeated attacks of Police Brutality against blacks, the problems of public space pilots seen in the extraordinary distress seen that many poor innercity families experience befalling the killing of a Family Member or close relative also deserves attention. And the use of the phrase the other side of black lives matter, coined by my former student, could help and create such an awareness. The other side of black lives matter. Let me just end, close my remarks by saying, when i wrote the bridge over the racial divide, which was published by the university of California Press in 1990, i was hopeful we could create a climate in the United States that could lead to a constructive dialogue on how problems assisted with the disappearance of work among certain segments of our population can be addressed, including problems that resolve violence that traumatizes residents. Despite the fact that such problems tend to be more severe in poor innercity neighborhoods, i nonetheless felt they should be discussed not in isolation, but as part of a more general dialogue, which focuses on the concerns of ordinary americans, concerns that the poor working and middle classes of all groups share, including concerns about crime in their neighborhoods. Declining real wages. Job security and unemployment. Escalating medical and housing costs. And the availability of childcare programs. And i also argued in my 1999 book that programs created in response to these concerns, despite being race neutral, would disproportionately benefit the jobless core, but also the other segments of the population including the white population. The framers of this message should be cognizant of the fact that these groups, while often seen as adversaries, are potential allies in a Reform Coalition because they suffer from a common problem economic distress caused by forces outside of their control. And this argument is as true today as it was when i wrote the bridge over the racial divide in 1999, and it is being repeated by some observers in the u. S. Postelection analysis and debates, including those who maintain the democrats emphasis on identity politics and attempt to mobilize people of color, women, immigrants, and Lgbt Community tended to ignore the problems of poor white americans. And one notable exception, they pointed out was bernie sanders, progressive, a unifying populist economic message, in the democratic primaries, a message that resonated with a significant segment of the white lower and workingclass populations. However, sanders was not the democratic nominee and donald trump was able to capture notable support from this population with a divisive, not unifying, populist message. So, i end this lecture by once again returning to some of the basic arguments represented in my 1999 book the bridge over the racial divide. And i hope you dont mind if my closing comments sound more like those of a public intellectual than a scholar, but in the age of trump, these comments are even more relevant and important. Because the problems of social inequality began between the expanding havenots and halves growing more severe, a vision that acknowledges racially distinct problems and the need for appropriate race specific remedies, but at the same time emphasizes the importance of multiracial solutions that share problems is more important now than ever. A new democratic vision must reject the commonly held view that race is so divisive that whites, blacks, latinos, asianamericans, native americans cannot Work Together in a common cause. Those articulating the new vision must realize that if a political message is tailored to a white audience, people of color drawback, just as whites draw back when a message is tailored to a racial minority. The challenge is to find issues that concern all racial and ethnic groups so they can honestly perceive each will interest and join in a Multiracial Coalition to move america forward. I cling to this vision. I cling to this vision in my efforts to overcome a feeling of deep pessimism for the plight of the innercity poor. Thank you for being so attentive. [applause] tonight, on the communicators peter, ityou what, was bigger then fast wireless. That is something i never thought i would see in my career. It is really, really exciting. Meredith atwell baker on what the five g network will look like to consumers. She also talks about the building out of broadband in rural areas. She is interviewed by Margaret Harding mcgill. What is the economic case for 5g . How do carriers make a return on that . Billion to our00 economy and 3 billion jobs. But again, it is only if we get it right and that means we have to move on spectrum and we need a pipeline. Of low, medium, and high band. We have to get the infrastructure right. As we roll forward, we have to build 300,000 small cell sites in the next few years. What a small cell looks like is maybe a pizza. It is small and it will be attached to everything because they will be much more dense networks. Lights andon traffic streetlights, the sides of buildings. What we really need in this is important that we need an infrastructure that rethinks how we site. Watch the communicators tonight at 8 00 p. M. Eastern on cspan two. Cspan2,ow night on mike pompeo offering his vision for the cia. Also, his assessment of threats to the u. S. Security and his views on the value of publicprivate collaboration. After his remarks, he will sit down for a q a session. That will be tomorrow night at 8 00 p. M. Eastern. Cspan, where history unfolds daily. 1970 nine, cspan was created as a Public Service by americas cable and Television Companies and is brought to you today by your cable or satellite provider. The Senate Judiciary committee will hold a confirmation hearing this coming wednesday for christopher wray, the nominee to be the next fbi director. If confirmed, he would replace james comey who President Trump fired earlier this year. The confirmation hearing gets underway wednesday morning. You can see it live on cspan3. The Arnold Schwarzenegger institute for state and Global Policy at the university of Southern California recently hosted a discussio