Well, for the next several weeks here on American History, well be looking back at speeches that defined a president and c. Youll hear americas chief executives make their case to the American Public and to International Audiences from George Washingtons farewell address in 1796 to Barack Obamas 2015. Charleston, south carolina, speech at mother emanuel ame church. Well start this week with george washington, his famous 1796 farewell address was actually a public letter announcing his retirement. It was first read aloud on the senate floor, the civil war, and has an annual tradition in that body since 1896. Well hear now from a republican and a democrat reading George Washingtons 1796 farewell address. Friends, fellow citizens, the period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive of government of the United States being not far distant. And the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designee aiding the person who is to be clothed with that important trust. It appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice that i should now apprize you. The resolution i have formed to decline being considered the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which blinds a dutiful citizen to his country, and that in withdrawing tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply i am influenced by diminished diminution of zeal for your future interest. No deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness. But i am supported by full conviction that the step is compatible with both the acceptance of and continuous continuance. Hitherto in the office to which your suffrages has twice called may have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your. I hope there would it would been much earlier in my power consistently with motives which i was not at liberty disregard to return that retirement from which i had reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do previous to the last election had even led to a preparation of an address to declare to you. But mature reflection on then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign and the unanimous of persons entitled my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your concerns external as well as internal. No longer renders the pursuit of inclination and incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and in persuaded whatever may be retained for. My services that in the presence circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove. My determination to retire the impressions which i first undertook. The arduous trust were explained on the proper in the discharge of this trust. I will only say that i have with good contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable, not unconscious in the asphalt of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience my own eyes, perhaps still in the eyes of others has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself. And every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retired is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary. I have the consolation to believe that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does forbid it and. Looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life. My feelings do permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of which i owe to my beloved country. For the many honors it has conferred upon me. Still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me and for the opportunities events enjoyed of manning vesting. My invaluable attachment by service and persevering though in usefulness equal to my zeal, it benefits that the benefits have resulted to our country from these services. Let it always be remembered to your praise and as an instructive exam in our annals that under circumstance forces in which the passions agitated in every direction were like bold to mislead, had missed appearances, sometimes dubious. Vicissitudes of fortune, often in situations not infrequently want of success has countenance. The spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support. The essential prop of the. And a guarantee of the plans by which they were affected profoundly pedantry aided with this idea. I shall carry it with me. My grave as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence that your union and brotherly affection may perpetual, that the free constitution, which the work of your hands may be secretly maintained, or that its administra nation and every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue that in fine the happiness of the people, of states under the auspices of liberty may be made complete by so careful preservation and so prudent to of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to applause, the affection and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps i ought to start, but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end, but with my life and the apprehension of danger to that solicitude me on an occasion like present to to your solemn contemplation and to recommend to your free review some sentiments which are the result of reflection of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of. Your felicity as a people these will be offered you with the more freedom as you can only see in them, the disinter ested warnings of a parting friend who can possibly of no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can i forget as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a formal former not dissimilar occasion interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your heart. No recommendation of mine is necessary fortify or confirm attachment the unity of government wisconsin to two one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar of the edifice of your real independence, the support of your at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you highly prized. But as it is easy to foresee that from different classes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, much artifice employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth as this is the point your political fortress against which the batteries venture tunnel and external enemies will be most constantly and actively, though often conveniently and assiduously directed. It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value your National Union to your collective and individual happiness, that you should cherish a cordial habitual and immovable attachment to it accustomed yourselves to think and of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity. Watching for its presentation with jealous anxiety discountenance in whatever may suggest even a suspicious action that it can in any be abandoned and. Frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion our country from the rest, or to enfeebled the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every induced and of sympathy and interest citizens by birth or choice of a common country by that country has a right to concentrate your affection in the name of america, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations, with slight shades of difference. You have the same religion, manners, habits and, political principles. You have an a common cause spot and triumph together the independence and liberty possess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country, the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union a whole. The north in an unrestrained intercourse with the south protected by the equal laws of a common government finds in the productions the latter great additional resource of maritime and, commercial enterprise and materials of manufacture and industry. The south in the same intercourse is benefiting by the agency, the north seas, its agriculture grow and its commerce expand turning partly into its own channels. The seamen of north. It finds its particular navigation invigorate and in while it contributes different ways to nourish increase the general mass of the national navigation. It looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to, which itself is an equally adapted the east in a like with the west already finds and in the progressive improvement of interior communication as by land and water will more and more find a valuable event for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The west derives from the east supply is requisite to its growth and comfort in what is perhaps of still consequence. It must necessity of the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side. The union. Directed by an indissoluble Community Interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the west can hold the sustained dual advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an a pass apple state and natural connection with any power must be precarious while there on every part of our country thus feels thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union. All the parts combined fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource proportionally, greater from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations and what of inestimable value to they must derive from union and exemption from those . Broyles wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict countries not tied together the same government which, their own rival ships alone would be sufficient to produce but which opposite for an Alliance Says attachments and would stimulate it and embitter. Hence likewise they will avoid necessity of those overgrown military establishments which under any form of government or in auspicious to liberty in which are to be regarded as particularly hostile. The republic liberty in this it is that union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of, the one ought to endear you to the preservation of the other. These considerations a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind and exhibit a continuance of the union as a primary object. A patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere . Let experience it to listen to speculation in such a case where criminal we are authorized to hope a Proper Organization of the whole with the auxiliary agency governments for the respective subdivision will afford a happy issue to the experience experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment with such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country. While experience shall not demonstrated its in practical ability. There will always a reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands in contemplating the causes may disturb our union. It occurs a matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing by geographical description. Northern and southern atlantic and western whence designing men endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedience of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring these misrepresentations. They tend to render alien each other. Those ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our country have lately had a useful lesson on this, said they have seen and negotiation by the executive and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty spain, and in the universal that it at that event throughout the United States. A decisive proof. How unfounded were the skepticism ambitions propagated among of a policy in the general and in the atlantic unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties that with great and that with spain with secure to them everything could desire in respect to our Foreign Relations towards confer in their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured. Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers . If such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens to the efficacy and permanency of your union. A government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict between the parts, can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and the interruptions which alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this truth, you have upon your first essay by the adoption of a constant of government. Better than your former for an intimate union and for the effective efficacy is management of your common concerns. This government the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and honored, adopted upon full invested, gation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles and the distribution of its powers. Uniting security, energy and containing within itself a provision for own amendment has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority. Compliance with its laws. Acquiescence in its measures are duties. And joined by fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution, which at any time exists until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacred. Lee, obligatory upon all the very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstructions. The execution of the laws or combinations and associate under whatever plausible character with the real to direct control or counteract or all the regular deliberation and action of the constituted are destructive of this fundamental principle and a fatal tendency they serve to organize faction to give it an artificial, an extraordinary force to put in the place the delegated will of the nation will of a party often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community, and according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make Public Administration the mirror of the ill concerted, incongruous projects of fashion rather the oregon of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests. However, combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends. They are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will able to subvert the power of, the people, and to usurp from themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion towards the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state. It is requisite not that you steadily discard ins irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that resist with care. The of innovation upon its principal. However specious the pretext. One method of assault be to effect in the forms of the constitution alterations, which will impair the energy the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be. Remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions. That experience is the surest standard by which to test real tendency of the exist in constitution of the country. That facility and change upon the credit of mere and opinion exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety, hypotheses and opinion. And remember especially that for the efficient manner of your common interest in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much bigger as is with the perfect security of liberty, is indices sensible. Liberty will find in such a government with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is indeed else than a name where the government is too feeble to extend the enterprises of faction to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed the laws and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. Ive already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state with particular reference to founding them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view and warn you in the most solemn manner against baneful effects of the spirit of party generally, this spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in. The strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under shapes in all governments. More or less stifled, controlled or repressed. But in those of the popular it is seen in its greatest frankness and is truly there enemy. The alternate. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated most horrid enormities is itself frightful despotism. But this leads length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and misery which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and in the absolute power of an individual and sooner or later, the chief, some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns disposition to the purposes of his elevation on the ruins of public liberty without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, which nevertheless ought to be entirely of sight. The common and continual mischievous in the spirit of party are sufficient to make the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage such and restrain it. It serves to distract the public and enfeebled the Public Administration. It agitates the community with ill founded jealousy and, false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against the foments occasion. Finally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door to. Foreign influence and corruption which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and the will of another. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of, the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within limits is probably true and in government of a monarchical caste patriotism. Look with indulgent if not with favor upon the spirit of party, but those in the popular character or in governments purely elective. It is a not to be incur urged from their natural tendency. It is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary and there being constant danger of excess. The ought to be by force of Public Opinion to mitigate and assuage it of fire, not to quenched. It demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into flame lest instead of warming, it should consume. It is important. Likewise that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration to confine themselves with their respective spheres, avoiding in the exercise the powers of one department to encroach upon another, the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create whatever the form of government. A real despotism. A just estimate of that love and power and proneness to abuse it which predominance predominate in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necess essity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and, distributing it to different and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions. Others has been evinced by experiments in ancient and modern some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to instill to them, if, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the powers, be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by amendment in the way the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation. For though in one instance, may be the instrument of good. It is the customary weapon by which free governments are. The precedent always greatly over balance in permanent. Any partial or trans benefit which the use can yield at any time of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports in vain. Would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert great pillars of human happiness, the firmest proper of the duties of men and citizens . The mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect and cherish. A volume could trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation and for life . If the sense of religious obligation deserts, the oath oaths which are the instrument investigation in courts, justice and, let us with caution. Indulge the supposed nation that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence and refined education minds, a peculiar structure reason and experience both forbid us to expect that National Morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of government who that is a sincere friend. It can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric, promote then as an object of primary importance. Institutions for. The general diffusion of knowledge in proportion as the structure of a Government Force to Public Opinion. It is essential that. Public opinion should be. As a very important source of strength and security. Cherish public credit. One method of preserving is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it. Avoiding likewise accumulation of debt not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the which unavoidable wars may have occasioned not on generously throwing upon posterity the burden which ourselves ought to bear. How how the execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives. But it is necessary that Public Opinion should cooperate to facilitate to them the performance of their duty. It essential that you should practice. Bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue that to have revenue. There must be taxes that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient, unpleasant and, that the intrinsic, embarrassed moment, inseparable from the selection of proper objects, which is always a choice of difficulty is ought to be a decisive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit acquiescence in the measures obtaining revenue which, the public exigencies may at any time. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations, cultivate peace and, harmony with all religion and morality, enjoin this conduct, and it can be and cannot be that good, does not equally enjoin it. It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant point a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and novel example of a people always guided and exalted justice peace and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things. The fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady to it. Can it be that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue . The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles nature. Alas, it is rendered impos able, by its vices. In the execution of such plan. Nothing is more essential than permanent, inveterate antipathy against particular nations and passionate attachments. Others should be excluded, and that, in place of them adjust to an amicable feeling towards all. Should cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another or an obituary hatred or an obituary fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection either of which is sufficient to lead it a stray from duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury to lay hold of. Slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifle occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate and venom, armed and bloody contests the nation prompted ill will and resentment, sometimes to war. The government control to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes in the national propensity and adopts through passion what reason and would reject. At other times it makes the animosity of a nation subservient to the projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister and permit openness, odious motives. The often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations has been the victim. So likewise, a passion and attachment of one nation for another produces a variety evils. Sympathy. The favorite nation. Facilitate the illusion of an imaginary common in cases where no common interest exists and infusing into one the enmity of the other betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justified nation. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt to injure the nation, making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will and disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal are withheld, and the gifts to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens who devote themselves to the favorite nation. Facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without sometimes even with popularity. Gilding with the appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation. A commendable deference for Public Opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or in valuation as avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways. Such are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and, independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper . Domestic factions to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead opinion and to influence or the public counsels as such an attachment of small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter against the insidious wiles of foreign influence. I consider you to believe me, fellow citizens, the jealousy of a free people ought to be awake. Since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most painful foes of republican. But that jealousy to be useful must be else. It becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided. Instead of a defense against it excessive partiality for one foreign nation, an dislike of another, cause those who may actuate to see danger only on one side and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause eyes and confidence of the people to surrender their interest. The great rule of conduct for us in regard to nations is in extending our commercial to have them as little political connection as possible so far as we have already formed engagements. Let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith here, let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies the causes of which are essentially for to our concerns. Hence, therefore must be unwise in to implicate ourselves by artificial ties or in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the combinations and collision of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue different course if we remain one people under an efficient government. The period is not far off when we may define material injury from external annoyance. When we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality. We may at time resolved upon to be scrupulously respected. When belligerent nations under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us will not lightly hazard the giving us provoke patient when we may choose peace or war, our interest guided by justice shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so a situation. Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground . Why . By interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe in tangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of ambition. Rival interest. Humor or caprice. It is our true policy. Steer clear of Permanent Alliance as with any portion of the foreign world. So far, i mean as we are now at liberty to do it for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagement. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than deprive affairs. That honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it. Therefore, let those engagements be observed. Their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respective respectably defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emerging seas harmony liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences, consulting the natural course of things, diffusing and diverse offering by gentle means the streams commerce, but forcing nothing, establishing with powers so disposed in order give to trade a stable to define the rights our merchants, and to enable the government to support them. Conventional rules of intercourse the best present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit but temporary and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experi and circumstances shall dictate constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for dissenter usted favors from another that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character, that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalence for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with in gratitude for not giving. There can be no error than to expect or calculate upon real favors nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure. Which pride ought to discard. In offering you, my countrymen, and these counsels of an old affectionate friend, i not hope they will. The strong and lasting impression. And i could wish that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if i may even flatter that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good that they may now and then recur to moderate the of party spirit to warn against the mischief of foreign intrigue, to guard against the imposters of patriotism. This hope will be a full for the solicitor issued for your welfare by they have been dictated how far in the discharge of my official duties i have been guided by the principles which have delineated the public and other evidences of my conduct must witnessed to you and to the world, to myself. The assurance of my own conscious is that i have at least believed myself to be guided by in retaliate and to the still subsisting war in europe. My proclamation of the. 22nd of april seven, 1893, is index to my plan sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representative in both houses of congress. The spirit of that measure has continually governed me uninfluenced by attempts to to deter or divert me from it. After examinations with the aid of the best lights i could obtain, i was well satisfied that our country under all the circumstances of the case had a right take and was bound in duty and interest to take a neutral position. Having taken. I determined as far should depend upon me to maintain it with moderation and perseverance and, firmness. The considerate actions which respect the right to hold this conduct. It is not necessary on this occasion to i will only observe, according to my understanding of the that right. So from being this not denied by any of the belligerent has been virtually admitted by all the duty of Holding Neutral and neutral conduct may be inferred without anything more from the obligation which justice and humanity impose every nation in cases in which it is free to act. To inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and. Is necessary to give it. Humanly speaking, the command of its own. Though in reviewing the incidents of my administra, i am unconscious of intentional error. I am nevertheless to of my defects not to think it probable that may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert mitigate these evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and that after five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of abilities will be consigned to as myself must soon be to the mansion, ands of rest. Relying on this kindness and, this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent towards it, which so natural to a man who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for generations. I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in. I promise myself to realize that without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partake ing in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart and the happy reward as i trust of our mutual cares labors and dangers. George washington. United states. 19th september seven, 1896. And this is American History special series on speeches that defined presidency. Next week, its abraham lincolns 1863 gettysburg