Ii. And professor urwin is a long time friend of this museum project. It is one of the great advantages of being in philadelphia, that we can be close neighbors to professor urwin, whose work on the british army in the American Revolution is extensive, and nuanced, and is always inspiring of our exhibits, and publications, and the development of our core exhibition, professor urwin played a crucial role in the display of the story of enslaved runaways, weighing the promise of the phillipsburg proclamation, announced by general clinton in 1779, which offered somewhat vaguely protection and perhaps freedom of run aways who made their way through to the british lines through consultation with a number of historians, particularly of africanAmerican History in this period, it became a really an imperative that we do two very challenging, often seemingly contradictory things with our tableau in showing people facing this question of whether to trust the british on this promise. And one was to demonstrate their agency, to capture the sense that they had some impact and some choice in what they were doing, and the other was to not shy away from the horrors of the tiern tyranny of slavery that dominated their lives and kept the majority of slave people still in bondage through the American Revolutionary war. So the way we imagine doing this was we would put a uniformed soldier of african descent across a fence rail in conversation with a person still enslaved, still in their field clothes, but the challenge was that most, from what we could tell, most of the formerly enslaved people who made it to the british army, would probably never have referred a red coast, so we went to professor urwin, who among his other accomplishments, which include nine books, either authored or edited, as well as more than 150 articles, has also produced over 2800 issues of an email blast called red coast images. Actually as of this morning, i think its 2817, and these are studies of portraits and other period images of red coat officers and other ranks, and that number is actually small, smaller than the reality, because hes often sending addendums and updates, which are 2820, aden numb number four, and we all hang on these magnificent pieces of scholarship, and they in fact were partly inspiring of our choice to do a red coat story for this exhibition. But in the case of these virginia run aways, we put it to the expert of red coat images, who among these enslaved people might have had a red coat, and there is a book that professor irwin has been working closely with, a manuscript, from 1783, called the book of negroes which was compiled to list the former enslaved people who are under the protection of the british army in new york in 1783, and based on his finings in that book, he suggested a young 15yearold man named london pleasants who had joined Benedict ArnoldsBritish American legion in virginia and served as a trumpeter which would have been a uniformed and armed rank. So we were able to capture the immediate image in the galleries of a formally enslaved person who has made a choice with great personal and political implications, by presenting our version of london pleasants, and we are thankful to professor urwin for that. His, as i mentioned, his red coat images were also influential in the development of this exhibition. Originally what became cost of revolution, the life and death of an irish soldier, was to be a portrait display, based on professor urwins red coat images. And we went down this deep rabbit hole with richard st. George, which professor urwin is very helpful in as well. Today, he will be talking about his topic from Parade Ground to battlefield, how the british army adapted to war in north america, 1775 to 1783 and it captures his great work on that army which is how the public imagery of red coats as these often inept sort of dandy, often evil, monsters, as woefully inaccurate, so instructs me that you are to forget everything you learned from the patriot and mel gibson, and these are not figurements of the imagination, the redcoat, he will present. [ applause ] thank you. And i would like to thank you and your colleagues here at the museum for the colossal bad judgment of asking me to speak today. Thank all of the sponsors of this wonderful conference. Particularly the Pritzker Military library and museum, to misquote, hirotiusa, military history rules last night before i went to bed i made the mistake of channel surfing, cnn, msnbc, and fox news, i would like to say im really glad to spend today holed up in the 18th century. Here we go. Hannah, my 45 minutes begins now. Whenever a friend outside of academia asks me about my job, i equip i make my living by reading dead peoples mail. Like other professional historians especially those who focus on the 20th and 21st, or before the 20th and 21st centuries, i apply my trade by examining written records. That is where we find the information that tells us what the people of the past experienced, what it meant to them, and why it should matter to us. In other words, historians use words to create pictures in their readers minds and to interpret what those pictures mean. Standing here in the museum of the American Revolution, i feel obliged to mention that historians can also learn much from the artwork and artifacts dating from the areas that they studied. As a boy, my growing obsession with history, drew sustenance from American Heritage magazine whose lavishly illustrated format inspired me as much as its superbly written articles. I think when people preserve in visual form and how they portrayed their times can tell us a lot about what they experienced and how they thought about that. The cost of revolution, the special exhibition that this conference compliments provides us with a golden opportunity to gauge how much the visual record can enhance what we glean from the written record. The painting, drawing, and engravings and other objects collected by this museums talented staff open windows on to various facets of the war, independence, and the tragic story of an angloirish officer who risked his all for george iii, the british capture of philadelphia in 1777, how the revolution and tue mult yousz world touched ireland and many others. As a military attorney i take political interest in what cost of revolution tells us about the british army in which richard st. George, soldier, and how it responded to the challenges of fighting a difficult war in a foreign and often hostile environment, thousands of miles from home. Students of war separate store and military culture, the strengths and weaknesses of the Weapons Systems that opposing armies deployed determined their tactical options on the battedfield. In addition what soldiers wear reflect the values of the societies they serve, both stylistic and totalitarian as well as the norms and traditions of the organizations to which they belong. It is also important to realize that what an army wears and carries when it goes to war changes in the course of the conflict. Hard experience teaches officers and men what works and what does not. In other words what should be retained, modified or getsonned. I must acknowledge that my fascination reflects one of my guilty pleasures. I pursued my undergraduate studies during the American Revolution by centennial in the 1970s, and youthful enthusiasm led to my being seduced into historical reenacting. Well, that confession, arouses sparks, im unapologetic. Over the years i have found living history a useful teaching tool and a supplement to conventional research. It is one thing to read an 18th century drill manual or afteraction report, but it is Something Else to perform the evolutions described therein, especially on the same sort of ground where revolutionary war armies fought each other. Sampling a common red coat or continentals diet, knowing where his clothing chaved, his shoes blistered, his equipment belts bit, increases ones empathy for the people you study. As this familiarity with the eks entris ties of flint lock weapons or trying to live your day and execute battlefield movements by commands transmitted by fifes, drums and bugle horns. This lecture will take the form of a an illustrated survey how the british army adapted to north american conditions as it strove to suppress the rebellion that erupted in 1775. Adaptation is not a word that most americans associate with their countrys opposition in that contest. The red coast are coats of the revolutionary are normally none thing automatons, completely unsuited for the challenges they encounter, according to the long cherished stereotype, they campaigned in colorful and practical uniforms designed for the Parade Ground, and practiced rigid linear tactics, suited for the clear flat expanses of europe. Rather than rougher or often wooded terrain. A brilliant young british historian, matthew h. Spring, demolished these myths in 2008 when he published with zeal and bayonets only, the british Army Campaign in north america, 1775 to 1783. Spring completely revolutionized our view of combat in the war of independence. The british army that George Washington faced was what todays American Military calls a thinking enemy. British officers such as sur William Howell realized that they had to adapt to american conditions from the outset. And they trained all of their foot soldiers to function like light infantry. After bunker hill, they invariably led their red coats into battle and in order, not tightly backed lines, large amounts of calvary and facing enemy horseman in too mu numbers to have tight formations british officers trained foot shoulders to move quickly and overtake and strike a swrift foe. In battle the red coats usually sought a quick decision. They preferred to close within 75 yards of the enemy, fire a volley, and then charge with a bayonet. These tactics brought them victory with daunting regularity. Hence the kings regulars constituted a much more Formidable Force than most of todays americans appreciate. Due to the expense involved in transporting calvary and artillery across the atlantic and maintaining them in a combat ready state on american soil, the infantry composed most of those troops who struggled to restore george iiis authority. This lecture will accordingly focus on the british armys largest and most important combat branch. In the entire of the common british foot soldier in the 1770s, depended on three factors. Army wide regulations. The regiment to which he blodged. And his rank and position within that regiment. At the revolutionary war start, the british army in linfantry had 70 afoot and 60 were Ten Companies appease. The two exceptions were the first regiment afoot, or the royals as they were then called, and the 60th or the royal americans. Which mustered two, tencompany battalions a piece. A full strength regiment stationed in england, numbered 477 officers and men, while one on the average establishment was supposed to total 474. With the outbreak of war, foot regiments underwent augmentation, a companys quote of privates increased from 38 to 56, and everybody regiment received two Additional Companies to remain in the British Isles to collect and retrain recruits. Colonels commanded regiments but these often general officers found other excuses to not accompany their units in the field. That means regimented command routinely fell to a Lieutenant Colonel, with a major adjutant, Quarter Master sergeant and mate. The officers Commanding Company included a captain, lieutenant and an a second lieutenant. Two sergeants, soon increased to three. And three corporals aassisted with company management. Once the regiment left home, attrition due to disease, combat, accident and desertion kept its numbers well below authorized levels. Every soldier in the british foot wore a red uniform coat, also known as a renta metal this. Garment became the branchs trademark. Inspiring the ubiquitous mick name red coat and such derogatory american variants such as bloody back or lob ter back. Since shoulder paxes did not exist at the time, each rejt regiment referred its own face in color, which its members displayed on the rent regimental coats collar, lapels and cuffs. Royal regiments announced their special connection to the house of hanover by sporting dark blue faces. The other regiments of the line displayed nearly every other color in the rainbow. Yellow, green, white, black, buff, red, purple and orange. With only the search primary colors identified by sir isaac newton in the early 1670s, it was impossible to avoid duplication, with 70 different infantry regiments to clothe, not to mention the 35 others authorized after the revolutionary war began. To distinguish between regiments wearing essentially the same facing color, each referred its own multicolored lace that privates and corporals displayed in rectangular or pointed loops, around the button holes on their reg method medals. In addition, the number was exhibited on the buttons. Certain privileged outfits also incorporated their unique regimental badges on their buttons and elsewhere. That meant that the closer you got to a red coat, the surer you became of his unit affiliation. Sergeants and officers wore coats made of scarlet cloth, a lighter shade of red, than that seen on the other ranks. Instead of regimental lace, sergeants a lace was all white. Officers displayed metallic lace, silver or gold, depending on their regiment, and matching buttons and aklets. This insignia along with the crescent shaped and crim son sash worn on duty made a regiments leadership easy to single out. Even at maximum small arms range. While meant to emphasize a commanders status and authority, these practices facilitated the American American rebels habit of taking deliberate aim at enemy officers. In addition to a red coats regiment, Company Placement also affected what he wore. Most british infantrymen served in a regiments eight Battalion Companies. They were known as half men because they were issued the standard coxs hat with stiffened black felt with white worsted lace. Silver lace edged sergeants hats and officers hats sportsed either silver or gold lace or black edge. In addition to the Battalion Companies each reg meant possessed two elite or five companies, composed of personnel with special qualifications. The tallest strongest and supposedly bravest men in even regiment went into the gren deer company which formed other Battalion Companys right flank, the traditional place of honor. Gren deer sponsored the shock troops leading assaults on strong positions. To accentuate the height and enhance the fear someness of their appearance, they wore a cap with bear skin and added an additional 12 inches to the stature. Red wing with regimental lace on the coats which also advertised his elite status. They began the war with brass match cases attached to the cartridge box belt, a reminder of the days when they threw small bombs called grenades, they were also put with short brass hilted cutlass called hangers buts they superfluous weapons were soon put into storage leaving gren deers to fight just with muskets and bayonets. Only gren deers only composed so that george iii sent, they made an indelible impression on their opponents and they figure prominently in depictions of the war by the patriot ar stift john trum bull and others he influenced. The light infantry, filled its ranks with smaller quicker fellows, to function as skirmishers and flankers. Battalion companies and grendeers trained to fight in three ranks deep with each file set off six inches from the other. The long red line popularly associated with the 18th century british army. Light infantry on the other hand operated in two ranks with the men set apart in intervals of four feet, open order, or ten feet, extended order. Which made them more difficult targets. The light bobs as they were called, incessantly practiced skirm issuing and how to advance in small bodies. Their training also stressed speed. Ha bit waiting light troops to move either at the quick step or a run. Lights infantrymen wore a uniform that reflected their specialized role. Light infantry coats had wings. Like the gren deers. But their tails were cut short to promote swiftness on the march or in combat. Instead of a tall bear skin cap or a widebrimmed hat, which could hamper movement over wooded ground, the favored leather caps with distinctive or decorative front piece. This head gear was sometimes adorned by feathers and hair crests. In addition to the standard musket and bayonet, light infantrymen often carried a hatchet, an emulation of the American Indians tomahawk. An anonymous poet captured the light infantrys dashing image in a song published by a loyalist newspaper in the 1778. And it went, the battle prepared in the countrys just cause, yet king to a vengeance aport all his laws, as fierce as a tiger, as a swift as a roll, the british light infantry dash on their row. The rebels impose their career, their traerts unhaunted, their strangers appear no obstacles rescind, and death and destruction attend every blow. Take that, hamilton. [ applause ] service with light troops attracted some of the british armys most daring young officers of such as the subject of cost revolution, lieutenant st. George who fought with the 52nd regiment Light Company during the Philadelphia Campaign of 1777. On parade, back home in the British Isles, the Light Infantry Company fell in on a regiment play. But that was not the case in the american war zone from 1775 to 1783. Both gren deer and Light Infantry Companies were detached from their parent regiments and brigaded tonight in elite battalions with companies of their own type. Light infantry battalions helped remedy the british army scarcity of calvary by taking on the role of reconnaissance and tactical situations, gren deer and light infantry battalions worked in tandem, spearheading the flanking movements that made many of their opponents break and run, and remorselessly pressing braver rebels who endeavored to hold their ground. When the american rebellion erupted, the british army contained one infantry regiment whose dress advertised its members ethnicity. The 42nd reg meant afoot also known as the Royal Highland regiment or the black watch. Due to dire Economic Hardship and other factors we heard earlier today scotts proved more willing to enlist for the american war than englishman and the British Government had a second battalion of the black watch plus eight more highland regiments, three of them with two battalions and three regiments of highland, for home defense. Officers and men in highland reg meants wore their native plaids, what a modern viewer would mistakenly call kilts and stockings in lieu of standard british army leg wear. The well apinted highlander also turned up with a purse, and kairz his ammunition at the front of his waist belt in what was called a belly box. In Battalion Companies, bonnets with diced red white and green bands took the place of hats but highlands gren deers and light infantry were initially issued, the donald trump distinctive head gear won by the ret of the british line. Swords complimented the highlanders musket and bayonet. But that traditional weapon went into storage, as the war progressed. In addition, to the highlanders a rio of foot regiments stood apart from the others this. Category of troops originated with the ordinance regiment which was formed in 1685, to guard a British Field armys trade of ar tirl ry. Fuseleers carried muskets instead of more cumbersome match locks and this unit evolved into the seventh regiment afoot, and it was joined on the rampys organization by the 21st, royal north british fuselear, scott and the 23rd royal welsch. The regiments enjoyed the privilege of parading in bear skin caps ten inches tall, two inches short from the gren deer model. All fuselear regiments would see service in the revolutionary war, the fuse leers fighting from lexington and concord, to yorktown. The british army endeavored to govern the dress of its line infantry with a set of regulations known as the royal clothing warrant of 1768. King george promulgated this document on december 19th of that year. It covered the design of both officer and enlisted uniforms, head gear, regimental color, camp color, drum and accoutrement belts and devices and badges for the royal regiments and of the six old core. The royal clothing war of 1768 superseded the royal clothing line of 1751, the british armys uniformed regulations, for the seven years war, or the french and indian war as americans call. It as can be seen from this slide to the next, coats worn by british infantrymen in that earlier conflict were fuller and heavier with broader lapels worn and cuffs and a greater profusion of regimental lace. Gren deers wore mitered caps during the 1750s. But they were made from embroidered or laced cloth rather than bear skin. All red coats carried hangers which led an unnecessary burd ton tax their stam ma and slow their movements. Officers turned out with coats glittering with yards of lace and they hadding alets, that would easily tangle as the wearers passed through woods or brush. With the adoption of the royal clothing of 1768, most british food regiments donned wlait whan white coats while those in bufffaced regiments received buff small clothes. The British Field armies committed to the american war, also contained regular soldiers whose dress was not governed by the royal clothing law of 1768. The british corps of marine, seagoing soldiers, who normally kept order aboard the royal navys men of war, sometimes consolidated these ships detachments and turned them over to army command. Two marine battalions containing more than 1,000 troops served with Lieutenant General thomas gauges boston garrison at the wars start. One battalion participated in the relief of the gren deers and light infantry that attempted to destroy wig military stores at concord, massachusetts, on april 19th, 1775. And both battalions passed through the blood bath at bunker hill on june 17th. Early in 1776, the three regiments foot guard, the elite, hustled troops and trusted with protecting the life the British Sovereign referred orders to contribute to detachments for a composite command to battle the american rebellion. A total of 30 officer, 82 noncommissioned officers, 14 drummers and six pfeiffers and 960 privates were drafted from three battalions in the first foot guards and the two battalion wheel stream guards and foot guards. When the guardsmen arrived at sandy hook, in time to join the new York Campaign, general William Howell directed that they operate as a brigade, composed two of battalions, where the gren deer company, and four Battalion Companies composing the First Battalion and a Light Infantry Company and four Battalion Companies making up the second battalion. Unlike line infantry regiments, guards gren deers and light infantry remained detached to their parent organization. The foot guards left england in uniforms that were a style set by the royal clothing warrant of 1768. The first foot guards had issued orders to adopt those standards on november 27th, 1770, and the cold stream guards on november 13th, 1773 and the third foot guards in phases, the first april 9th, 1768, and the second july 11th, 1774. Because the guards were a law on to themselves and still are, the sergeants decorated their coats with gold lace just like their officers instead of the white lace sported by sergeants in the less exalted regiments afoot. Although armies are undoubtedly hierarchical organizations, change also receives its initial impetus among the lower reaches of the chain of command. This was as true of the british army as any other. For the end of the seven years war, and the five years that followed, several regiments anticipated the royal clothing worn of 177 68 by removing the coats with narrowing collars and simpler and insignias, the eplet, in place of the extravagant egglet. Once the 1768, uniform regulations went into effect, it took time for the british army to attain a relatively uniform appearance. Regiments on foreign station had to wait for the delivery of new styles of since clothing, head gear and various accessories, did not always arrive in the same shipment, several units turned out in a mixture of current obsolete items, well into the early 1770s. Even those regiments posted to the British Isles against a certain amount of ambiguity, as the they appeared to interpret the clothing dictates differently. By the time the rev nution hear war broke out however, the british army had resolved these issues but it was about to undergo a new round of changes in response to the demands of campaigning in canada, and the colonies to the south. The notion that the british army entered the war of independence like the proverbial babe in the woods, with no idea of the challenges facing it dont not be further from the truth. This was an organization with a long institutional memory about adapting to the north american environment. Simplifying the uniform, to promote solarity and comfort in the field was by no means foreign to the red coats in the 1750s. In addition, british commanders responded to the demands of woodsland fighting and allies by having each foot regent in america organize its own Light Infantry Company and they also organized separate companies of american rangers. The first two commanders in chief to preside over the kings forces in the revolutionary war, thomas gauge and welcome howe, had logged extensive experience in the french and indian war. Gauge had even formed a light infantry regiment dressed in brown. An example of early, an early example of camouflage. Howe commanded Major General wolfs infantry in the capture of quebec. Although the british army disbanded the light infantry formations, when it downsized after the french and indian war, howe proved instrumental in the restoration of Light Companies in 1771, and 1772. As commander of great britains American Army from october 1775, to today, 1778, he infused all of his red coats, with a light infantry spirit and capabilities. With these thoughts in minds, we can now begin to explore how the kings regulars transformed themselves after the commencement of hostilities in the spring of 1775. As indicated earlier, one of the things that most disconcerted the british about the new england troops they faced, early in that conflict, was the latters choice to make priority targets out of officers when they fired on enemy formations. This habit registered with startling effect following the costly victory at bunker hill, june 17, 1775. General gauge lost 1,034 red coats killed and wounded. Nearly 40 of his attacking force. And of that total, 89 were officers. As one officer observed it is very uncommon that such a great number of officers should be killed and wounded, more thank in proportion to the number of private men. Major general john gregoin agreed writing home, the loss was uncommon among the officers, considering the numbers engaged. Expressed in statistical terms, losses at bunker hill amounted to nearly 13 of the total number of combat casualties that the British Army Officer core would absorb for the entirety of the war. British newspapers made frequent mention of the military prowess of the americans, their marksmanship and their skill at forest fighting. When riflemen from western pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, joined the nations Continental Army in the boston siege lines over the summer, british officers found themselves subject to accurate fire from skilled marksmen at 300 to 400 yards, three to four times the range of a common musket. A letter dated august 5th, 1775, it appeared in the london chronicle, two months later, reported, since the rifle had arrived they have killed six or eight officers of distinction, on the lines of charlestown. That was the peninsula where bunker hill was located. Looking less conspicuous, had become a clear imperative, for the kings officers. As we can see from the ex tant forfeiture, british officers began dressing down for American Service and their armament. The standard metallic lace or embroidery, all officers carried swords Battalion Company officers toted short pipes called spontoons which made it easier to distinguish them at a distance. As lieutenant john grave simco of the 35th regiment afoot confided to his mother at bunker hill, the reason we were lost so many officers is on account of their dress, they ha is altered and we dress now like soldiers, and he meant common soldiers. Officers serving in america stripped their coats of lace and put away their spontoons and emulated the example of the counterparts replacing their fusels that could kill at a distance and bayonets which facilitated hand to hand combat. Win of the most memorable examples of this trend, vofrms none other than our frebt richard st. George. On april 15, 1776, st. George purchased a commission, in the fourth regiment, of foot or the king zone. Which was already stationed in america. Before st. George sailed west he poised for a full length life size portrait by thomas gainsboro considered one of englands great old masters of the 18th century. For our purposes, today, i call your acontinuation tensi, atteno the st. George portrait and that officer a foot from the slide. And nathaniel holmes, 1771 portrait of lieutenant thomas anbury who proudly posed in his prewar fine ry. Contrast anburys coat with st. George. While st. George retained his eplet, gorgeet and sash, he clearly tried to make less of a show of himself. Gone is the silver button hole life, and a sword, and officers traditional weapon but he also armed himself with a fusel and bayonet. Officers in the foot guards bound for america took similar precautions. On march 12th, 1776, Lieutenant Colonel edward matthew, the commander of what became the brigade of guards directed his officers to make up a uniform with white lace like the privates, of their respect ive regiments. He also instructed them to replace their spontoons with fusels. This worked a dramatic change. On formal state occasions foot guard officers reported for duty in coats smothered with thick gold lace. For field service, in europe, they wore planer coats with no button loops but gold lace edging on their faces. This portrait of lieutenant and captain thomas dowdswell of the first regiment of foot guards showed what he looked like while he served in the first company, First Battalion brigade of guards during the new York Campaign of 1776. Note that his coat lacks an eplet. And the tails appear to have been cut short, in emulation of the light infantry. Note also that no guild buttons are visible on his cuffs. The coats button holes are bare. And both facings and shoulder straps are edged with thin white cording. Rather than gold lace. The young englishmans head gear is a hat with a narrow brim for some Sun Protection and a few blocked feathers attached to the left side. He carries a fusel and bayonet and there is no sign of a sword. That is where he retains his borgeless et and sash because there are certain badges of rank that some british officers refused to relinquish. Guards sergeants similarly dispensed with gold lace on their uniforms. The brigade of guards other ranks modified their appearances as well. Lost their beloved bear skin cams and had to submit to wearing cap hats, filledbears with front peaks and advisers. And light infantry had similar head queer. On august 14, 1776, two days after the brigade arrived in sandy hook, matthew informed his Battalion Companies, that they were, to quote cut their hats round immediately and so he the lace, one flap to stand up, and the other two to be down. In other words, they converted their cocked hats which left their faces exposed to the sun into round hats. In addition all guardsmen cut their coats short to light infantry length. The king george top graphical collection at the British Library houses a water coat by the gren deer company First Battalion brigade of guards that shows the private standing sentinel at the guards camp in Staten Island in 1777. As you can see, he sports a broadbrimmed hat and shortened coat. And here is some reenactors in a reconstruction of that uniform. Something similar had happened among red coats already in the war zone. A water color view of the bunker hill area executed in the summer of 1775, by captain thomas davys of the Royal Artillery positioned three infantrymen in the foreground. The figure at right, either an officer or shot, judging from his sword, wears a cocked hat and carries a fusel with fixed bayonet. The other two figures purely enlisted man, cocked hats converted to round hats with brims to guard against the sun. Red coats underwent other changes that made their lives a little easier. Under the clothing they wore in 1768, enlisted infantry carried ammunition in cartridge boxes that hung on their right hips and bayonets and hangers hung on their left hips attached with brass buckles bearing their regimental numbers or badges. Troops came in, draping their bayonet belts over their right shoulders. Which was less constricting. This use of cross belts became so popular army wide that it quickly spread to regiments stationed in england. As reinforcements from europe swelled general howes ranks to 32,000 red coats and hessians to capture new york, the work of simplification conditioned. A wonderful snapshot of this process can be found in robert cleverlys depiction of howes army landing in kips bay manhattan on september 15th, 1776, which since the british capture of new york city. Probably was one of the most prolific maritime artists of the georgian era. At first glance, this is just another tribute to great britains awesome naval might and amphibious expertise, waves of british and blue clad german infantry with artillery men go ashore in long boats while broadsized british war ships shocked and awe any continentals who might be awaiting. But let us take a closer look at the red coats in those small boats and what do we see . These men are not wearing cocked hats. But round hats with narrow brims. And look at the back of their heads. There are no hughs or pony tails hanging down their necks. Which confirms written observations that howe had british infantrymen crop their hair short, a measure calculated to ensure their comfort and also a time saver, sparing them from the inordinate amount of time required to maintain european hair dressing styles. We are indebted to richard st. George, for evidence of even more dramatic changes in the dress of howes army. St. George as youve heard is an amateur artist whose prewar drawings are often translated into widely circulated engravings. He continued to produce water colors after he went to war. Three of these works dating from 1777, now belong to the harlem Crowe Library which is loaned for display in revolution. By the time st. George drew these scenes, he had left the fourth regiment afoot, transferring as lieutenant into the 52nd regiment afoot on december 23rd, 1776. Assigned to the 52nd Light Company, he assumed a place in the forefront of the action as general sir william howe advanced on the capital of the young united states. St. George titled the drawing, left myself a picket in a tempest, quote he sits on the ground, puffing on a pipe after finishing a meal, while at out post duty, and at left, his soldiers 70s offers him a cloak to shield him from the rainfall. And the other drawing, st. George bowed with mocked gallant ry, in the self conversing with prisoners according to the rule of civil ry. The thing to note in each draw is what st. George is wearing. Integrity of a rent regimental coat, he has a single breasted jacket with no tails and no lapel leaving st. George to have the 52nd facing color and only the color and cuffs. The jacket is equipped with light infantry winds. We can see st. George wears his hair cropped, instead of the light infantry or nate leather helmet, both he and his servant wear more practical and comfortable round hats. In the triumph fall entry into philadelphia, st. George depicts himself in a cart with a black cloak after he suffered a serious head wound at the battle of germantown, in 1777, we cannot see any of st. Georges uniform or what others riding hyde beside him are wearing but a wounded corporal, is attired in a round hat. With the left brim folded up, and a red roundabout jacket, with laced wings, and black leather crossbelts to carry his acu accoutrements and st. Georges hat. St. George, sent these drawings and others like these two london friends, getting to the publishers in 1778. And they released a view in america which celebrated the capture of philadelphia, and underlined the fact that the rebel cause had not yet collapsed. St. Georges inning fluence can be immediately recognized in the figure of the british light infantrymen in campaign dress, mocking continental prisoner, one a black man, struck on his backside by a cannon ball. Finally, the museum of the American Revolution owns two paintings by xavier dellgado, 1782, that depicts st. Georges second infantry action during the Philadelphia Campaign. St. George did not commission these works, he advised dellgada concerning their comp are composition, turning each into a guide of how the red coats in 1777 looked when they went on campaign. Dellgada recreated the attack on september 20th, 1777, on Brigadier GeneralAnthony Waynes pennsylvania continentals at paoli. The artist then painted the continentals attempt to avenge themselves on st. George and his comrades at germantown on october 4th of that year. The british light infantrymen, figure prominently in both pains as one meist expect. British life through lagoons and greenclad british riflemen. Which means they could not have been put on quickly due to so many buttons. They were hard to secure, those buttons, because gators were designed for a skintight fit half gators were more convenient because they only buttoned to the ankles. This required the shoulder to put on eight to ten items to be properly attired below the waist. Britain enlisted men used to trousers or gator trousers, a garment that combined by 1777. Other observers contributed to the record which is confirmed by written documentation. Modifications of uniforms and field equipment occurred elsewhere in great britains American Army. Highland troupes swapped their plaids and their again dears and light infantry favored the bonnet over their bare skin and leather caps. Again dears from other regiments place their caps in storage and took to the field in round hats. In the same year that hall captured philadelphia, Lieutenant General attempted to lead a british army bun the lake champlain, lake george and hudson river invasion route to albany in a futile bid to split the united states. The campaign took place in what people of european descent considered wilderness country. General carlton decreed that ought british regiments cut their coats to jacket length to provide patching material for those garments in the coming year. The troops also cut down their hats for conversion into light infantry style caps. In addition to the previously mentioned changes, the coats switched from britches, stockings and half gators to trousers, all his british infantry adopted cross belts. In addition, lieutenant james hunter of the Royal Artillery captured three unusual looking red coats in the 1777 watercolor of ticonderoga. In addition to modeling the shortened regimental coation, two of these infantries sport caps with visors and indian style leggings that reached to the top of their thighs. Company of select marksmen. This ad hoc formation consisted of the two best shots drawn from every foot company under pertain and operated in support of the many indian allies who accompanied his army at the campaign start. Theres a view of burgoynes adapted artillery regiments stored their bear skin caps and adopted cocked hats and gator trousers. We could examine how british regiments adapted to these environments. I this i this lecture already made its main point or exhausted your patience. This was a formidable organization whose officers took their trades seriously and sought to make the most effective use of the resources entrusted to them. It was no accident that the british soldier won most of his battles of it took americans eight grueling years to secure their independence. Like the u. S. Military in vietnam, afghanistan and iraq, they learned its not much to vanquish armies on the battlefield when also confronted by an armed insurgency that controls much if not most of the countryside along with the populous, no matter how well great powers train their troops and the latter adapt, mighty armies will squander their strength by not including a viable formula for winning hearts and minds in their strategic plans. Thank you. We have a few minutes for questions, i believe. Up front . Thanks, professor. To having done a great job at show showing how bad the seven years war outfits were at getting officers killed and how stupid marching in a bad line, presenting a near impossible to miss target, why were both the mast line and the earlier clothing regulations ever adopted if they were so tactics are conditioned by the strengths and weaknesses of Weapons Systems. The tactics employed during the 18th century reflect the strength and limitations of the smooth bore musket. It wasnt a rifle weapon, wasnt all that accurate beyond 75 yards or so, the key to victory, it was thought, was to concentrate the fire. One man shooting at an individual target would be kind of like you standing on the side of the stream and throwing a pebble at a twig passing by. If you pick up a handful of pebbles and throw them all at once, youll score some hits. Firing at an individual target, aside from the smoke or the noise, he might not know youre mad at him. Again, if you get everybody to mast their fire and send out at the enemy, even if you dont get the guy in front of you, if you get the man four men down from him, youre making a contribution. Also, because youre fighting at close range, that makes handtohand kboot more likely. Anybody who is a football nanos what a tight line can do to a strung osh outline. The fact the british went to extended tactics and they sought handtohand combat with their line spread out and still managed to prevail usually, of course, the rebels broke and ran before contact was made is a terrific testimony to their discipline and also testimony to the trust the british officers of the 1770s reposed in their enlisted men. When youre fighting an open order, you have to leave it to sergeants and corporates and even privates to use their initiative in making tactical decisions. Very different relationship than what emerged in the british army under the duke of ellington. [ inaudible question ]. They adapted in the 1750s. Seven years war there were a lot of officers kill killed. Why did they adopt uniforms that singled out the officers in the 1750s dress code . The dress code is adopted in 1751. The seven years war breaks out in 1755 17541755. Thats the first time theyre fighting in north america. Theyre new to the environment. They learn quickly from their mistakes. They return to being a European Army back then gentlemen dressed a certain way. It was one way of singling out an officer, knowing hes in a position of authority. It was a way of his demonstrating his prestige. Officers tended to come from money, et cetera. Dressing that way was just part of the culture. Again, when they come back to north america, they change those customs. They adapt. The british army is going to have a strong debate over what kind of tactical modes are best because officers who stay in europe say, spreading out like this, you meet a bunch of french calvary. In hand, though, the army that fights under well ton, partially through the influence of sir john war a young officer fought in north america will have both that steady thin red line that can hold the line, but light regiments and each line regiment will have a light line infantry. Im curious the location of the barracks in Chester County and Montgomery County in philadelphia. Where were these locationed for the british army . Gee, i dont know. During the seven years war when the british army went into winter quarters, people objected to quartering regular troops in homes, et cetera and different colonies were asked to build barracks. The old barracks at trenton is part of that barracks. I dont know where theyre located. Im sorry. One more question. A quick question about the queens rangers, the green outfit. Formed for the seven years war rogers rangers. Robert rogers tries to get a commission from congress and they dont trust him. He goes to the british and offers his services. General howe gives him permission to raise the queens american rangers. A lot of officers dont like the quality of the officers that roger commissions. Rogers to by this time is past his prime. He had a drinking problem after he went back to england. And he may have had it here in north america, but his officers are eased out and theyre replaced by loyalist gentlemen from new york and virginia, so the people that flock to lord dunnmoore and the queens rangers are reconstituted and they come up to the command of john similar cowho i quoted who is a young man without much money. He wants to get ahead to distinguish himself in combat and finding a powerful patron in sir henry clinton, reminding clinton of everything he does right. There are lots of letters between the two of them and he makes a reputation for himself and he ends up having a mixed command of infantry, light infantry and he has a rifle company, a troop and he has a Highland Company and then he starts racing, and it becomes a legion and its one of the best forces in the british army because it was a hierarchal time. If you read officers reports on both sides of this war, when they talk about people who perform well in battle, they name only officers. Similar c simko did not respect the American Revolution. He wrote diatribes to himself, imaginary dialogues refuting all of the principles of american republicanism, but if you read his journal he will talk about sergeants so and so and private so and so. He didnt care about class when it came to military merits and he promoted him from the ranks and made officers of them and if they act like gentlemen and acted bravely, he had his eye on them and it was an interesting figure because when he goes on canada, he will try to find ways to sabotage the american republic, but at the same time theres this this will make him roll over in his grave, but there was an egalitarian streak there in si thnchtscoe. [ inaudible question ]. Yeah. He said its great because its he liked to set up ambush brigades as he called them and in summertime the guys blend in with the trees and by the time the fall and winter comes on that green is kind of brownish. Its grungy and its camouflage. So he did that deliberately. Yes . Sorry for going on a tangent. Thank you. [ applause ] every sat nightmare khan history tv takes you to College Classrooms around the country for lectures in history. Why do you all know who lizzy borden is . And raise your hand if you had ever heard of this murder, the gene harris murder trial before this class . The deepest cause where well find the true meaning of the revolution is from the transformation that took place in the minds of the american people. Well talk about both of these sides of this story here, right . The tools, the techniques of slave owner power. Well also talk about the tools and techniques of power that were practiced by enslaved people. Watch history professors lead discussions with their students on topics from the American Revolution to september 11th. Lectures in history every saturday at 8 00 p. M. Eastern on American History tv. Its available as a podcast. Find it where you listen to podcasts. Next on American History tv, Aaron Sullivan and lauren duval discuss live in occupied city from the American Revolution. Life for soldiers, workers, american women and families. The Pritzker Museum and library and richard c. Hess foundation cohosted this event as part of a threeday international conference. The best part of our job is doing our worst for it in six months and thats the next upcoming months