Transcripts For CSPAN Political Situation In Congo 20170828

Hello everybody. Thank you for the commission and for hosting this very timely briefing on the political and security crises in the democratic republic of congo. Congress as long changed u. S. Policy towards the drc and the wider Great Lakes Region of Central Africa using toward such , sexualoreign aid violence, child soldiers, humanitarian relief and international adoptions. And direct engagement with leaders. Over the years, many members of congress have pay particular attention to Human Rights Violations in eastern congo which is been at percent are of conflict. Successive u. S. President since the 1990s have appointed former members of congress to Service Special envoys in the region, most recently senator Russ Feingold and representative tom perry yellow who each held the mess post during the Obama Administration. Congressional concerns about the democratic trajectory group. It became clear that elections would not be held as scheduled. Deferring would would be their first ever electoral transfer of power. Congressional committees and jurisdiction and u. S. Policies. Meetings on u. S. Policy. The senate and house each pass resolutions talking on the executive branch for punitive measures for those accused of corruption. Todays conversation follows the hearing before this Commission Last november. The apparent intention of the president to remain in office at already promote provoke unrest. Subsequent finding of a political agreement between the Ruling Coalition and the opposition, the electoral calendar has yet to be issued and the security situation has badly deteriorated. Enduring conflict in the east have become while new hotspots have emerged. We have an opportunity today to hear from a panel of true about ways to drc address these challenges. From the u. S. Institute will eat us on the links between the security situation and the regional contact. Of search for Common Ground will discuss dynamics. Of Amnesty International will anduss emerging violations of the sims and of the Simpson Center will discuss challenges of the peacekeeping operation. One final note. We will go to q a after that and i would like to make sure there is an opportunity for Congressional Staff in the room to ask questions if they have any. If you are a staffer, please prepare your questions for the first round. Cochairman mcgovern holds ,rand, members of the staff thank you for holding this important briefing on the democratic developments in the democratic republic of congo. Im here to share some humble insights into the current political impasse. In line with the request of todays moderator i will focus , my initial remarks on the initial challenges of the implementation of the global inclusive agreement as well as highlight some of the diminished legitimacy of the nearly old government and how it has influenced the broader security situation. 2006 as alexis mentioned, the Catholic Bishop conference stepped in for a mediation process combined with the National Dialogue initiative which had initially established a partial agreement with leaders from the government. These efforts did not necessarily result in violence taking place. The process eventually culminated in a very susceptible and celebrated new years eve agreement. The signatories of the early agreement, the opposition sg sevens, of the udp and agreed broadly to the following. A transition of 12 months, the maintenance of president kabila and other institutions in the interest of preserving continuity in order to prepare for elections. The creation of a National Unity government which would be given equal treatment throughout that period. The end of political prosecution, the release of particle Political Prisoners and the reopening of Public Access television and radio. The establishment of a committee overseeing the imitation of the agreement. Finally, the prohibition of any constitutional change which would allow president kabila to run for a third term. While the agreement received popular support, including a Un Security Council resolution which endorsed it in late march 2017. Nearly eight months from its achievement, implementations were wracked with challenges and failed to achieve the main goal of an election at the end of 2017. The runnerup of the 2011 low election was the first and most important shock to the process of implement in this. The chief was supposed to leave nsa and left a vacuum among the opposition. Talks for the implementing of the agreement eventually led to an agreement known as the peoples house agreement of april 27. A month earlier, he room he withdrew the mediation role and handed over responsibility to president kabila to move forward with the implementation. He anddwill built up by his mediation role has shifted back to a more confrontational relationship. Invitedciety has been throughout the process and had ramifications of the provincial level of numerous standoffs between assemblies and governors. While there has been a general deterioration, these developments have been viewed as orchestrated attempts by the government to justify further delays in the electoral process. Leading the process to become somewhat farcical. Nevertheless, the discretionary power of the presidency seems to be driving the process more than the actual implementation. President kabila nominated opposition dissidence in early april. A universe a unilateral decision that was viewed as nonconsensual the time. Furthermore, mutual control and balance of power within the government of National Unity had not been achieved. Major post ever made within the president ial majority, the Ruling Coalition. The establishment of the cnsa was severely delayed. While it was given a mandate of 12 months, it took nearly eight months before its members were named on july 22. Givenhe presidency being to another opposition dissident. His position was vehemently rejected by the majority of opposition leaders and society has strongly criticized the cnsa as not being independent or impartial. An incredible Sticking Point has been the failure of the publication of the electoral calendar which has been a point of contention for many of the participants in the process, though the head asserted that in may, a calendar would be publicized shortly. Nothing is followed. There needs to be clear benchmarks and this would be very critical to clarifying who would represent the majority as well as the opposition coalition. With regards to voter registration, there been several important challenges. First, the role it of youth who are younger than the age required. Civil Society Organizations have been ordered to observe the registering requirements. There has also been certain challenges with regard to staffing on the ground and failure to pay those involved. The rules as was we finish by due to thejuly, but insurgency and now it stands there are still under enrollment with 13 not completed. Major cases have been completely blocked. Only certain tv channels have been reopened. At the outset, there occurs to be a fertile context for political opposition. As there is not one level of government that remains within its mandate. Deputies have overstayed their mandates for over six years. Nevertheless, the majority has surprisingly emerged stronger since the agreement. Inhas not been able to bring a certain amount of resources through mining contracts in the meantime. The president s future remains a uncertain. Some political elites continue to push for a third term while see themselves as sending for a candidate of the presidency rather than the president s aspirations. Furthermore, although a longtime ally, angola has stepped forward. In thedversaries eyes of some, the situation of instability is much more favorable to their longterm political agenda. For their part, there are no visible signs of tracking within the Security Services although there are concerns about the use of commandolike units and efforts to police. The president s relative strength is largely due to the weakness of the political opposition which remains divided. Splinter groups make up the majority and has to a large extent tainted others with opportunism. Was proposed to be prime it has not seem to reemerge under his leadership and felix has not shown himself to be a strong leader on the streets. Another remains in exile where he maintains his popularity and outside the drc has strength remains to be seen. Kabila has also been able to other president s soninlaw who couldve been a contender a otherwise. In general, most of the opposition leaders are seeking more from the community than from the congolese people. They are calling for stepping down. This is as a result of what i outline. With popular frustrations of remaining and a splintered opportunist political organization, outburst of violence are increasing in likelihood. One of these groups has carried out a number of Violent Attacks on police posts, prisons, and central market. Religious beating cake. Dating back to the 1960s, 80 k bdk. Ought bdk, ck to the nearly 200 buildings were burnt and at least 200 People Killed when police opened fire on bdk supporters. Political created the party in 2010 which eventually led to his election in 2011. Unfortunately, it had been dormant for several years and reemerged recently with several Violent Attacks. Eventually, an attack on a prison earlier this month. In conclusion, the publication of a realistic consensual electoral calendar is more critical than ever and certainly more important than meeting a december deadline will stop while rejected by the opposition, the recent declaration of the south African Development community is a realistic and knowledge meant to make sure elections proceed or work. Renewed conditions, a push toward organization of elections may find more effect. A Preparation Committee within president ial majority and International Partners will have to ensure a truly fair, incredible, enabling environment for elections in which all candidates can participate and compete equitably. Thank you for your attention this morning. Thank you very much. Thanks, alexis. And thank you to congressman mcgovern for calling this together one year after your hearing which drew a lot of attention to the crisis in congo. It is a privilege to me to give you an update on where and what we have seen over the last year. I am going to keep my remarks focused primarily on the local dynamics of violence, recent events east of the country. Recognizing that is a large area. I submitted my written statement which will be online. My colleagues will distribute it. I will touch on some of the biggest issues. , i will three regions talk about three things we are looking for from the u. S. Congress and where we are looking for u. S. Leadership to address some of these issues. Since the last discussion, thousands of congolese citizens have been killed or displaced. Many have been placed in awful conditions. We have seen polio rake out for the first time in three years after the country was declared poliofree. We now see a risk of a cholera epidemic. We see a worsening humanitarian crisis at a time when the world is dealing with too many. There are still homes of displaced people 20 years after the war broke out in the first place. Out over aoke dispute that steve alluded to around the chieftaincy of political competition over the leadership of the chieftaincy, the chief of that time, the government opponent, offered resistance through a series of events. He was killed. The killing of the chief triggered an insurgency which very quickly took on political talents, ethnic tolerance, in the context of a region strongly bastion. A there is a history of strong chiefs but deep land disputes between communities and between communities and the state resolving them. At the moment, others will talk about some of the human rights abuses. I will say, at the moment what we can say is that although there has been a relative decrease in violence in the past weeks, there is very little anything isink resolved. The grievances, the trauma between communities, the grievances over the past and current conflict are likely to remain for a perceivable amount of time and given the role that the government has played in the suppressing of the militancy and insurgency, it is difficult to see how the government, the u. N. , or other parties in the conflict can forge a is process without significant grassroots leadership and engagement. About a year or more ago, we saw a great awakening of clinical consciousness among the pygmy population. Who lived for a long time in a situation of comparative disadvantage. Rarely having access to political power or the school system. Living in a subservient economic and political situation that erupted into violence. Nowate 2016, we have seen have a million displaced. We saw some very promising peace efforts at the beginning of this year but it languished. The violence has persisted. Earlier this month, the governor of the province announced a new military campaign to resolve for as a new strategy to address the and all of the humanitarian consequences are likely to flow from that. To touch briefly on the east beginning from the northeastern border of south sudan to the order of tanganyika, we see a resurgent of local insecurity and tension. Whether that is where we see spillover from Central African republic crisis where we see migration of pastoralists and farmerherder conflicts. Elsewhere we see a resurgence of spf i, a Militia Group associated with the melinda community. North. Tensions in the what we see particularly increasing amounts of hatespeech. Political cooptation and between communities as we gear up for local political competition in the next election. Finally, we have seen the operations of armed groups. Asyet 60 ort of ,0yearold chieftaincy dispute over the leadership of the planes. We see a fragile situation across the country. Therefore points i want to make about that. Origin ishough the absolutely clinical and as a result, there is a political impasse. Jockeying for power by local political elites and the mismanagement of mechanisms to coopt and manage those conflicts, the fact that this political competition is leading the genie is out of the bottle does not mean that this conflict will go way. The things that are driving the violence are linked to decades of trauma, mistrust between communities, and existential competition in the context of extreme poverty. Those things are deeply rooted and driven by the same dividing lines we have seen for decades in congo. Competition over land, competition over local and National Political power, and the legacy of mistrust across ethnic identity lines. Those are what is driving the violence and ultimately, regardless of what happens with the political transition at a national level, these are going to be lingering problems that will need a lingering solution. Secondly, it is very difficult to see how either parties can provide a military solution to the conflict. Lead a pygmy to be tortured for collaborating with a neighbor in tanganyika are not things that any military force is wellsuited to respond to let alone foreign peacekeepers or Congolese Army oft has inherited the legacy the violence from which it is forged. Ultimately, we need civilian solutions. To make sure we are putting the power and hands of the ordinary congolese citizens, religious leaders, Civil Society groups who will be the ones who will ,ltimately drive the solution any kind of solution we can hope to see. There, although today we are talking about new conflicts in taken a gut, the possible resurgence of old conflicts in the east, we could be talking about almost anywhere in congo tomorrow. The broad patronage system, deep grievances, and the capacity to use weapons characterize many communities. Challenge inut the the west. This could be anywhere and it will be anywhere until we adopt a change in how the International Community addresses the conflicts, but also in the ultimate political culture about power in local disputes being managed in the country. You know, finally, i think it would be a mistake it is time to put aside the notion the idea that the country is governed by big men and has been governed by big man in big plans writing on the back of a passive citizenry enmeshed in their local disputes putting capable of driving real change. The conflicts we see today are as much even know i talked about the historical roots and of led to them theyre driven as much by frustration and desperation by change. Economic change, social change, the chance and desire to print in spain and manage their lives in a different way. Awakening inat taken ego was driven in large part by cell phones. Tanganyika was driven in large part by cell phones. This is a change. It is something we need to recognize. This is not politics as usual in congo, even though some of the contours have been seen before. And, so, with that i think i would just like to close with a couple thoughts of what we would like to see from congress. First of all, thank you for keeping the attention on this country given Everything Else that is going on. We still need your support. We, but also the congolese people who are working for peace every single day need your support. Although there is no military solutions and we know humanitarian solutions will not the end the suffering we see in those places, the vast majority of resources we have, the little bit of resource, the congress conflict fund was what we had to put resources in the hands of the people in conflictaffected places. That is what was deployed in the south African Republic and randy nd monday that is a mistake in his shorts ordinary citizens of the best tools to prevent these conflicts from getting out of hand. We need to recognize that 20 years after the congolese war started, millions have died. Millions of dollars have been spent. Think myself and everyone would it knowledge the tremendous efforts in the been made, it is not enough. We need to take a different how weh to fragility and engage across governments and engage in Civil Society. Just end by, let me saying although the situation we layout is perhaps and someone is bleak and and perhaps in some ways, old, i was talking to a congolese registry who is on me that his nephew Just Graduated College with a degree in criminology and is going to become a police detective. I was talking a couple days ago to some young ping be kids who were frustrated with the and wereand tanganyika forming a local organization and setting up piece committees throughout the setting up peaceful committees throughout the congo. Is aed to recognize there different aspiration. Theably the best ally is aspiration of young people to make a change and to start fresh because there will be a generational change in congo and there is every reason to try to make that the moment for a new partnership between our country and the democratic republic of congo. Thank you. Thank you mike. The would like to thank commission for organizing these hearings and, more partly, for reattaching refocusing attention. I would like to build on what might just said. The human rights issues were not t trickle by this triggered by this crisis. It goes back decades. Some would argue to the 1960s. I mention this because it is important to realize that much of the Human Rights Violations in the suffering and the crazies were created over decades of bad governance or poor governance. Law. Ack of the rule of accountability. The inability of external actors forward. Earch and probably a many cases, the engagement of regional powers that destabilized whatever toitical momentum there was improve governance. This is led to a number of areas of Human Rights Concerns where there is broad consensus. There has been fairly consistent violent oppression of protest. The tests were abandoned 2014 and police and Security Forces have regularly used extra violence to crack down and disrupt protest organized by political opposition and human rights activists. The country has been wracked by Armed Conflict. Of abuse has been fairly appalling. Summaryicial execution, execution, abductions, and genderdented level of violence, looting, destruction of livelihood have all led to a chronic humanitarian crises. Is also been, despite the presence and finding, the inability of you and peacekeeping forces to protect civilians adequately. 2017 has brought more of the same. By relations include the right to freedom of expression, the right to receive information. We are all aware of radio france being suspended. Stations owned by opposition work close. There has been a high level of threats against journalists and efforts to limit public aspects to information. 2017. Ing in 2016 and i have mentioned the use of Excessive Force against demonstrators. In addition to what was done on the streets, there is also been the use of the courts. Harassment and intimidation of human rights defenders. The arbitrary arrest of prodemocracy youth and members of the opposition. These crises or these tactics have further been exacerbated by the lack of any sense of a plan to address the power transition, which i think steve mentioned. In other words, as they are being arrested, there is no alternative for the way to go are the opportunity to move the country forward. Protesters that amnesty did research on were met by brutal actions by the Security Forces in both amnesty in the joint Human Rights Office of the u. N. Documented disproportionate and excessive use of force. To date, there is been no conference of investigation and no one has been held accountable. In several cities, authorities have banned and crushed protest organized by the opposition and Civil Society. Measures have prevented many congolese from expressing their grievances over the electoral process. Public meetings and demonstrations organized by the president ial majority were facilitated. It was clearly biased toward the ruling party. The government, as i mentioned, used the Justice System and this has been applied against members of the opposition as well as members of the mp who left the party over president term. S to seek a third i mentioned attacks and failure to investigate Human Rights Violations by the Security Forces. Armed groups have formed new coalitions and increased the recruitment using explicit rhetoric to justify their actions in question the legitimacy of the current government. Steve mentioned the reports of the recruitment of child soldiers. Conflicts,c something mike mentioned, is on the rise in different parts of the courntry. In major cities, the government seems to have lost its will or capacity to react to local conflicts in several areas. I think we have already mentioned the conflict that was leading to the assassinating of the traditional authority. But there are also reports of the rights or the return of the adf begin an armed group that is killed over 700 since 2014 and continues to grow in strength. We cannot talk about Human Rights Violations in the region without talking about the deaths of the martyrs of the two u. N. Experts who were found dead in march. They had been investigating allegations of the use of mass graves by the government owned secure a forces in an effort to conceal some of the violations they had committed. The drc is on the verge of another major humanitarian crisis as Armed Conflict is on the rise. In the east, the adf has killed more than 700, despite the robust presence in the drc of the u. N. Ethnic tensions between the groups have cost the lives of hundreds of civilians, destruction of property. There have been reports of political interference in the conflict it seems to be fueling attention. Attacks against civilians from both communities. 150,000 people, according to u. N. Can have been displaced in the north kivu. The joint Verification Mechanism International Conference of the Great Lakes Region, confirmed that m23 has resurfaced in the region. The group took control of a city and surrounding districts in 2012 and besieged the area for about 18 months. Despite allegedly being defeated and being put into camps that were well guarded, it is said to be operating again. According to unocha, about three point 8 Million People have been internally displaced in the democratic republic of the congo. 1. 4 of them in the kasai region alone. This conflict created by the implementation of the new decentralized which is later has left hundreds if not thousands dead. Unicef states at least 600,000 children have been displaced as result of the conflict in the area. 2000 may have been used by armed groups and 4000 have been separated from their families. There have been hundreds of extrajudicial executions. Estimates range from 1000 over 3000 having been killed. I think i would like to turn to the recommendations about what we need from the United States government. Clearly, the electoral process that has been discussed already is going to need international intervention. One of the Biggest Challenges we have now is the vacuum or the absence of the u. S. Diplomatic and political presence in addressing any type of potential resolution to the crisis. Congress has a history of having paid attention to the drc and other lesserknown conflicts and of being consistently engaged by virtue of its oversight of the budget. That means that International Affairs budget needs to be maintained and robustly maintained. The u. S. Cannot be an actor without any influence or any resources to help bring along international consensus, more important, to help push regional consensus in moving forward on a political settlement, which i think i would agree with is the way forward. We also have an absence of leadership in the state department and the absence of an assistant secretary of state. While there are incredibly talented and committed u. S. Diplomats, nothing can replace having the most senior diplomat for the region in place and engaged. As long as that absence continues, there is going to be, i think, a noticeable lack of political will to do that if local difficult things. There have been references to december 31 agreement. As a human rights organization, i would stress some of the things such as confidence Building Measures are incredibly important. The release of Political Prisoners, the investigations of Human Rights Violations, as well as the improved protection of the u. N. Hes keeping force and peacekeeping force. I would probably and abide joining mike in saying the situation, for all intensive purposes, appears bleak, but the energy and the energy desk commitment we see from our colleagues in the drc and by the effect they are still fighting for this transition to happen is probably the most important indicator that there is hope and there are ways forward, they just need the partners to do it. Thank you. Thank you so much. Aditi thank you to the lantos mission for inviting me to speak to you today. Im grateful for congress continued interest in the drc of this very troubling time for the country as we see the government using repression to maintain its unconstitutional hold on power. As we see at the violence continued to grow and spread. I have been asked to focus my remarks on recent challenges for the u. N. Peacekeeping mission in the drc. Despite its limited track record of success in many areas, it plays a vital role in monitoring and reporting on Human Rights Violations, ensuring Public Access to unbiased permission through its radio station, maintaining infrastructure that enables physical access to many parts of the country and reducing instability and eastern provinces. The missions role as a human rights monitor is becoming even more critical now as the congolese government continues to imprison of these and expel journalists and human rights activists. Faces two challenges in managing the human rights challenges described by my colleagues. First, the stalled framework of december 31 and not equipped support from the u. N. Member states. On the framework, supporting the implementation of the december 31 framework is now the central piece of strategy. However, the government has strongly resisted efforts to move forward on implementation and theres very little confidence in the framework among national stakeholders. If the framework fails, it will be put in an externally difficult position as a peacekeeping mission that is mandated to provide support to an illegitimate government support. The u. N. Secretary sees three possible scenarios. Each of those poses its own challenges. The best case scenario, the parties make a good faith progress toward implementation of the agreement in 2017 and Credible Elections Credible Elections are held in 2018 and meniscal would have to provide security for free essay collections and then reorient its activities toward stabilization and support to the new government. I think most of the members of this panel would agree that scenario is the least likely one. The second scenario is the status quo. The government continues to use stalling tactics will making no Real Progress for the implementation of the framework. Elections are not held in no realistic prospects in the future. Third is the worst case. The december 31 framework is explicitly abandoned. Protests break out around the country met with even more severe Human Rights Violations by the government. The country becomes extremely unstable where they cannot manage it. One of the most difficult aspects of the status quo scenario is determining at what point the government agree just an unlikely to change the frame work should be abandoned. The government appears to be trying to use token gestures towards implementation and it tends to strip and security as a pretext for delayed elections. In order to disguise its efforts to stall implementation. That makes it very difficult for the mission to pinpoint the moment at which the government should be considered illegitimate and when it needs to hold the government accountable for that. The second challenge i wanted to talk about is inadequate support from u. N. Member states. The drc government knows it holds the trump card. U. N. Peacekeeping missions cannot apply without the consent of the host state government. The president has used the threat of expulsion of the mission many times since taking office, trying to control monuscos actions. Only the International Community can diffuse that threat by sending Strong Political messages to the government that this behavior will not be tolerated. That has not happened. On the contrary, in march this year, the u. S. Excessively pushed for monusco troops to be 3600. D by this recent cut seems to roll back progress. The budget cut of 100 million for the 20172018 financial year, despite increased activities, will also be interrupted as a sign that the u. N. Security counsel is not invested in monuscos success. For many years, u. N. Member states have looked at how to withdraw, which is made little progress toward lasting peace. The president , looking at u. N. Member states to wrap up monusco and the reluctance to invest more in the drc made believe he can wait out the crisis, block effective action by the mission, and not face any real consequences from the International Community. Regional neighbors which can provide critical support to monusco for pressuring the government to comply with the december 31 framework have done too little. On the contrary, the drc government recently made progress in shoring up regional support. Thanks to a diplomatic outreach to important neighbors, it has secured condemnations of u. S. And eu sections, statements echoing the idea that elections may need to be delayed because of insecurity in the area, and announcement of nonafrican interference in the drcs domestic affairs. These actions legitimize the governments noncompliance and make it more difficult for monusco to use its good offices for the implementation of the agreement. I want to turn to a few recommendations. The good news is there is evidence that Strong Political support from the u. S. And its partners can help to improve peacekeeping missions, negotiating positions with similarly obstructive or hostile host state governments. The Obama Administration announced its decision in jr to lift trade sanctions against sudan and july of the Sudanese Government met several conditions, including reduced obstruction. During that period, the Darfur Mission found its freedom of movement and political influence on the Sudanese Government complete. Improved. First, the u. S. Government should continue to refuse things is targeting individuals involved in actions that undermine democratic processes in the drc as well as their business interests. The decision on june 1 by the u. S. Sent a powerful message. The u. S. Government should expand the strategy of targeting business interests of serious human rights violators. It should consider placing under sanctions the Family Business that enabled the congolese government to undermine democratic processes. Second, the u. S. Government should put pressure on the drc government over its alleged role in the killings of michael sharp and zaida and call for a thorough investigation. This will reinforce the drc government u. S. Will not tolerate attempts to silence and intimidate you and workers. Third, u. S. Mission to the u. N. Together with the rest of the Un Security Council should give monusco their guidance on when government will be deemed legitimate with the response should be. One option may be to establish a redline for noncompliance for the december 31 framework and if that line is crossed, should provide monusco with the new mandates is spinning in activities that provide support to the congolese government. The u. S. Mission should also engage in discussions with the Security Council about alternative strategies that could be pursued at the december 31 framework fails. For example, supporting a new interim authority while preparing for elections as was done in the Central African republic or even replacing monusco with an African Union mission which does not require the consent of the hosted government. Fourth, the Us Government should engage diplomatic we with neighbor states to ensure they do not legitimize president kabila and put pressure on him to abide by the december 31 agreement. In addition, the white house should as soon as possible nominate an effective u. S. Ambassador to the drc and appoint assistant secretary of state for the bureau of african affairs. Without u. S. Leadership on those issues, it is unlikely we will going to see change. Fit and finally, the u. S. Government cannot advocate for support further cuts to monusco budget or reducing troops. It should be unrealistic assessments of what it wants the mission to achieve and what resources it will require. Thank you. Thank you, everyone. I think we touched on the white horizon of important issues in drc. Like i said up front, i would like to make sure any Congressional Staff in the audience get a chance to ask questions if you have any. If youre from a Congressional Office and you have a question, please raise your hand now. Dont all speak at once. All right. I just wanted to make sure. In that case, i will use my moderator prerogatives ask a question and then we will open it up to the audience. Kim, just to clarify our cut off time . [inaudible] excellent. I will ask my question first and we can go to open q a. A lot of important terrain was covered here. I think the panelists, he did a great job of highlighting how, in a short period of time come the situation in drc and the security situation in drc has migrated away from the framework of International Committee that has been used for decades of primarily looked at the kivu are arguably the expense of other important issues, but this was free much the framework in place for a long time come into a more complex, more diffuse and arguably harder to address in some ways sort of burgeoning security situation that we really have not seen in quite some time. I wonder if i could ask you briefly to elaborate a little bit more on some groups that we in washington spend less time talking about. Bdk, botswad armed groups. Without too much detail, could you talk about how these pose newactors sort of International Community tools that we sort of use and have relied on for a long time to address issues in the drc. Steve yes, thank you, alexis. I will quickly address bdk and potentially some of the parallels that one could drop between bdk and the phenomenon, if we can call it a phenomenon of sorts, as a collaborator a malicious expanding conglomerate of militias expanding. They draw on mystical, religious cultlike powers. The attached from a real Political Movement or political aspirations other than the idea of driving president kabila out. That vacuum of political legitimacy we have decentralization process that created new institutions where there was really no support for the new institutions, new governors, this sort of the same thing elsewhere where you have institutions that could potentially manage and have several years managed some of these local conflict that have not been able to respond and have not been needed to respond to sort of provide a voice or channels of expression of discontent by different groups. I think there is a broad malaise with Political Institutions given a lack of legitimacy, but also political parties. A Strong Social Network Within parties. The same elsewhere with other political parties. We see these institutions are no longer representative of the aspirations of people and see the attractiveness of a violent actions and now does i think that is a big challenge as you set for international action. The attractiveness of a bdk movement that comes to a Central Marketing and is able to commit violent acts. As abhorrent as that is, in the absence of real mobilization, all of the challenges of getting people in the streets to move forward, theres a certain level of eagerness of youth and others to see that as at least putting words into action. I think that is certainly disconcerting. Thank you. Just to touch briefly, alexis, the point i would make about the conflict in tanganyika and its horrible humanitarian that ultimately, there are deep reservoirs of just thorny blockages to addressing legacies. Things that involve Indigenous Peoples and pygmies are among the most thorny and deepseated inequalities in the country. I mean, in my grandmothers lifetime, they used to keep a zoo. In the bronx very deep, very historic reservoirs. Some that day to colonialism and before and the slave trade. Others think more recently to the more recent wars. Theres a whole set of social issues that are not addressed and dont have a channel in the moment to address them. It pushes people to take things into their own hands. That is what is happening with a militia, a primary pygmy Militia Group that emerged. It is also to extend, why people turn to bdk and others for leadership. That is part of the appeal of aroundand magical logic some of these armed groups. I would be happy to address regardingine tanganyika. We will go to the audience. Please go to the microphone and identify ourselves before asking a question and we may take a couple of front. Yes. You mention the u. S. Sanctions and some recommendations along those lines. I was wondering if steve and some of the others could comment on some of the impact of the sanctions so far and what impact further covenantal pressures might have financial pressures might have on getting electoral calendar published on time and making sure moving ahead with the political process and not toward further violence and instability. Thank you. Thank you. Anyone else . Could you comment on the decision to hold back from the mediation, whether there is any prospect for them stepping back in and or is there another body that could play the kind of mediating role that turned out to be so effective last year thanks. Is there a sensitive nature to the lack of u. S. Diplomatic leadership . Does the u. S. Risk losing in a region that desperately needs some kind is a pressure that clearly are not currently in place, just one other thing. Ine, i was very interested what you were saying about grassroots peacebuilding. It seems like you are referring to some budgeting that goes into that. Is that in important element and should that kind of work be expanded . Thank you. I think we will go in order, if that makes sense, i just pick and choose which elements you want to comment on. It has impacted calculations from the government side, impacted some shifting of positions. It has put security commanders, to hesitate a bit more, about more oppressive measures led to some shifting of command positions. It certainly on the other hand, it has also hardened other actors. That certainly cannot be discarded. But there are certainly some value to having that as a tool in the absence of diplomatic engagement, which doesnt necessarily exist without an ambassador and senior leadership. With the mediation, absolutely, the fact they were brought in and that person accepted them as a mediator was extremely important giving them credibility with a hat with a broad population and the stances they had taken about the respect to constitution. The agreement in and of itself, the major provision of the agreement i think generally approved by the population. It is a certain disappointment in their withdrawal, but i think the calculations from their end with regards to the credibility of implementation process and whether they want to be seen as being too closely associated with some of the shortfalls of that process, so there are institutional regulations that are to be taken into account fromcencos site. It would be wonderful for them to take up a strong position that doesnt necessarily have to be within the framework of the agreement, but it can be with consistent calls for the publication of the state of electoral calendar. Once we move to that, they have a huge role to play in ensuring a fair Playing Field among all actors. Cencos role in society in general. It can be a traditional rule as moral authority for congolese throughout the country. Maybe i will take up the question of peace building. One of the challenges we see an, wins endemic congoans and elsewhere around the world, is the International Community in particular, the u. S. , has two very good tools at its disposal. One dealing with emerging crisis. One is the point committed to an assistance, or effective than ever before and better coordinated. The second is the deployment of peacekeepers. Both of those deal with the symptoms of these crises, but they are not particularly well suited to addressing the crisis like the kind we see in tanganyika. It is hard to see how diplomatic efforts or just creating political will are keeping more political pressure on the situation will resolve this kind of grassroots issues. That is where peacebuilding steps in. The burden of pacifying tanganyika will first and foremost be led by tanganyikans threat working together, which we are receipt coming, but they need international support. That needs to be part of the international strategy. That is why we look to the complex crises fund, u. S. Aid Conference Management and mitigation, usaid human rights support mechanism to provide some of that support to civilians. Those are the same accounts that are most under threat. At the same time, the ones most needed to prevent the next wave of humanitarian suffering. We are concerned as both people who work