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Li Wenliang’s death had only been announced a few hours earlier, but Warming High-Tech was already on the case. The company had been monitoring online mentions of the COVID-whistleblower’s name in the several days since police had detained and punished him for “spreading rumors.” Now, news of his deteriorating condition, and eventual passing, had triggered a deluge of sorrow and outrage online adorned with candle emojis, photos of farewell wishes scrawled into the snow, and a final image of the 34-year-old ophthalmologist as he lay in his hospital bed in Wuhan. It was February 7, 2020, and Warming High-Tech’s “Word Emotion Internet Intelligence Research Institute” swung into action, drafting a “Special Report on Major Internet Sentiment” for “relevant central authorities.” Warming’s report explained that online discussions of Li had “flooded” the Internet; the public’s “grief and indignation” would demand an urgent response from government officials

China s media strategy in the Pacific

POLICY FORUM 11 December 2020 Pacific media is set to be one of the core avenues of competition between Australia and China in the region, Denghua Zhang and Amanda H A Watson write. In recent years, China has both used its own media outlets and engaged with Pacific media organisations to ‘tell the China story’ in the region. As China becomes a major player in the Pacific, it is important to compare its media strategy with Australia’s.  Engaging with its partner countries’ media sectors is high on China’s agenda. At its 2018 national conference on publicity and ideological work, Chinese President Xi Jinping stressed that China would step up external efforts to ‘tell Chinese stories well’ and ‘make the voice of China heard’.

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