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Whether or not Johnson bellowed about letting âbodies pile high in their thousandsâ, his actions helped ensure that outcome. Heâs the one who skipped five Cobra meetings a year ago, gave the go-ahead to the Cheltenham festival and to Atlético Madrid playing Liverpool last March, blew £849m of taxpayersâ money on the âeat out to help outâ stunt and laughed off scientific advice in order to assure the British public it was their God-given right to eat Christmas pudding together. And here we are, with more than 120,000 excess deaths in England and Wales.
This January, as Covid ripped through the country yet again, I spoke to a nurse who had spent decades working in intensive care. She told me about how her ICU ward had suddenly tripled in size, with row upon row of patients lying in silence, unable to breathe without ventilators. Up to half of them would not leave alive. Others would be sick for the rest of their lives.
Why the British system is so easily gamed by reckless opportunists The David Cameron lobbying scandal is just one example of the revolving door in Westminster between private capital and public office.
Boris Johnson and David Cameron on a London Underground train in 2014. David Cameron actively lobbied cabinet ministers and civil servants for cheap government loans for Greensill Capital, the financial services company that collapsed last month. Cameron’s frantic lobbying was met with cooperation from Rishi Sunak, and a friendly drink with Matt Hancock. In 2011, Greensill, a firm set up to specialise in supply-chain financing, was brought in to advise the Cameron administration on controlling the cost of government contracts. Its billionaire owner, Lex Greensill, was given a Downing Street email address and landline. It now transpires that a senior civil servant, who became a Greensill director, started working for the company while still employed by the government. All of t